社会主义意识形态宣传机制探析

社会主义意识形态宣传机制主要由宣传内容创新机制、宣传主体培养机制、宣传方法多元机制、宣传制度保障机制和宣传结果反馈机制五个子机制构成。这五个子机制相互联系、协同作用,统一于社会主义意识形态宣传全过程,推动社会主义意识形态宣传工作有效运行。     

红军长征途中的思想政治宣传

:长征是宣言书,长征是宣传队。长征途中,红军进行了一系列丰富多彩的宣传活动,诸如发行报刊文件、书写标语、创作宣传画等,在长征岁月中发挥了重要的宣传鼓动和教育作用。     

美德礼堂——积小善 汇大爱 正民风

正为促进农民转变为居民,双港镇以培育和践行社会主义核心价值观为统领,坚持问题导向,创建美德礼堂,打造宣传展示、志愿服务、爱心传递、美德之星四个平台,使崇德向善在双港镇大地上蔚然成风。弘扬传统美德,培育核心价值。在宣传展示平台上,由教师、人大代表、政协委员、志愿者等组成的宣讲团,坚持每周做讲座,传授科学养生、文明礼仪、医     

公安宣传与公众逆反心理浅析

社会公众的逆反心理是影响公安宣传工作效果的重要因素.本文全面分析了社会公众逆反心理的实质、产生原因和消极影响,针对当前公安宣传过程中普遍存在的、容易引起公众逆反心理的错误做法,提出了改进意见和建议,力求减弱和消除社会公众的逆反心理,提高公安宣传工作的实际效果.     

新人口理念与性别平等的宣传倡导

从文化建设入手,分析国家人口计生委的关爱女孩行动宣传目标与性别平等的宣传政策,着力指出宣传教育中空壳化口号化、忽视效果与产出等问题,提出以群众为宣传主体、注重产出与实效的措施与建议。     

中共在陕甘宁边区宣传工作情况探析——以赵占魁运动为例

赵占魁运动是我党历史上一次著名的工人英模运动,中国共产党运用了各种宣传手段,使这次运动轰轰烈烈发展成一次大规模的群众运动,达到了党的预期效果,影响深远.这次运动是党的宣传工作的宝贵历史经验,为后来我党树立典型开展运动提供了借鉴,保证了我党的执政目的.     

以人为本实现理论宣传入心入脑

党的理论宣传工作坚持以人为本原则,是由人的主体地位和宣传工作的性质、特点、规律所决定的。理论宣传工作贯彻以人为本原则,要把握宣传对象关心的问题、需求和兴趣,具有针对性;宣传主体要以“三贴近”为核心,转变观念;宣传内容要满足宣传对象的需求,通俗易懂;宣传手段要增强感性,创新形式。     

加强改进宣传文化队伍培训

近年来，黑龙江省委宣传部不断加强和改进基层宣传干部培训工作，全面提高了基层宣传干部队伍的综合素质，为宣传思想文化工作服务全省经济社会又好又快发展、建设和谐黑龙江等中心工作提供了坚强的人才保证。     

军事对外宣传中网络传播的效果分析

在信息传播全球化的背景下,美国等西方国家挟其优势的传播资源占据了强势地位。在西方强势媒体中,关于中国的报道大多是负面的,中国的形象被这些媒体有意无意的扭曲、丑化,在一定程度上损害了中国的国际声誉①。我们要通过网络塑造军队良好的国际形象,除了加强军事对外宣传网站建设外,更重要的是立足于现有的传播资源增强网络传播的宣传效果。     

浅谈如何抓好典型人物宣传和提高宣传质量

铁路公安机关是社会的一大窗口,加强对铁路公安队伍中先进集体和英模人物的宣传、树立,对公安工作和社会都具有重大的政治意义.如何加强典型人物宣传的宏观策划,着力追求典型人物宣传的时代特色、深刻思想内涵及朴实表现风格,逐渐形成典型人物宣传的新特点,是本文探讨研究的目的.     

典型宣传效应"短期化"现象透视

文章分析了典型宣传效应短期化的原因，如宣传环境的相对恶化，典型宣传过于突出政治性，宣传没有注重对位，同时提出了一些建议，如营造激励上进的舆论环境，坚持政治性与文化性的统一，找准典型宣传和受众思想的“结合部”。     

反腐倡廉宣传教育科学化的制度路径——以南通市反腐倡廉宣传教育制度建设为例

随着社会转型的进一步深化,目前我国腐败行为也正处于多发、易发、频发期,建立以预防为主的反腐倡廉宣传教育机制势在必行。以南通市为研究对象,认真分析反腐倡廉宣传教育制度建设的现状及宣传教育制度建设失序的原因,探究反腐倡廉宣传教育制度建设应遵循的原则。制度建设是反腐倡廉宣传教育工作的重要保障,加强反腐倡廉宣传教育制度建设,应坚持宣教内容的可塑性和宣教制度的稳定性相统一;宣教效果的有效性和制度体系的系统性相一致;宣教对象的广泛性和制度建设的针对性相协调;宣教资源的分散性和制度供给的社会性相适应。建立完善反腐倡廉宣传教育组织协调机制、“三度三合”工作机制、活动载体机制、工作创新机制和考评机制,形成科学的反腐倡廉宣传教育制度体系框架。     

创新反腐倡廉宣传方式方法的探索

反腐倡廉建设进入了新的历史阶段，人民群众对反腐倡廉宣传提出了新的更高要求。反腐倡廉宣传的方式方法虽然对于反腐倡廉宣传的全过程不起决定性作用，但它在一定程度上或一定条件下对反腐倡廉宣传的内容表现和任务完成产生着较大的影响。要科学运用反腐倡廉宣传的方式方法，准确把握其规律，进一步改进和创新反腐倡廉宣传工作，使其更好地服务于反腐倡廉建设的需要。     

Spinning Europe: Pro-European Union Propaganda Campaigns in Britain, 1962–1975

The impact of pro-European Union (EU) propaganda campaigns in Britain has been neglected within EU studies and in the recent work on the Europeanisation of political parties, trade unions and the British state. Bringing together the few sources of information that exist, this article documents the three government-organised pro-EU propaganda campaigns of the 1960s and 1970s. It specifically discusses the campaigns in 1962—63 to bolster public support following Britain's first application to join the EU, in 1970—71 to prepare the public for accession, and in 1974—75 to ensure continued membership in the 1975 Referendum.     

If Seals Were Ugly,Nobody Would Give a Damn: Propaganda,Nationalism, and Political Marketing in the Canadian Seal Hunt

The provocative debate over the Canadian seal hunt features emotional imagery, selective use of facts, a media relations battle, and political lobbying. This paper explores different forms of propaganda employed in the sealing controversy by animal rights groups and by the governments of Canada and of Newfoundland. It argues that Newfoundland nationalism is a central variable. This perspective can help gauge the effects of propaganda and explain the government's defense of a controversial policy. It concludes that propaganda, nationalism, and political marketing are independent categories that bear strong similarities.     

“Editorials at a Glance”: Cultural Policy,Gender, and Modernity in the World War I Bureau of Cartoons

Cultural policy during the Great War, rather than radiating from the central government, evolved from contemporary culture—propaganda, movies, and mass media. The state was a player, but quasi‐public organizations such as propaganda agencies, non‐state actors like the YMCA, and “public opinion” played important roles. The Committee on Public Information (CPI)—the government's propaganda committee—influenced Americans through books, advertisements, posters, and cartoons. This essay examines two of the CPI's efforts: the Bureau of Cartoons and the Division of Pictorial Publicity. In these materials, we can see the intersection of class‐based notions of gendered idealism and a developing media state's use of a sentimental culture of the Victorian middle‐class to represent and motivate the nation. With staff drawn primarily from advertising agencies and newspapers, the Committee's work shows how the formulation of cultural policy is the result of complex negotiated processes involving state interests, cultural liaisons, and ideological assumptions.     

Political Marketing and Propaganda: Uses,Abuses, Misuses

Although previous issues of well-respected marketing journals (e.g., Revue Française du Marketing, Psychology & Marketing, Journal of Marketing Management, European Journal of Marketing) have focused on political marketing, and although there are now journals which regularly publish papers on political marketing including, of course, this one and the Journal of Public Affairs, none has focused exclusively on how the techniques developed for use in electoral and governmental campaigning, in lobbying and party fundraising campaigns, are now being used more generally in the military, in public diplomacy programs, and by companies, not-for-profit organizations, and even terrorist groups, with a focus on “winning hearts and minds.” The aim of this special issue is to seek to fill in this gap in our knowledge and encourage further research into the political marketing/propaganda interface. In this special issue, we seek to elucidate the meaning of propaganda and political marketing by exploring their parameters, both contemporary and traditional.     

西方传播政治经济学批判实践的新进展及启示

西方传播政治经济学承继马克思主义政治经济学的研究方法，对西方媒体与资本、权力关系的剖析和批判鞭辟入里，其批判的逻辑中蕴含着对我国媒体改革的启示。我国媒体改革可以考虑适当运用市场化的手段追求公益性目的，以“看不见的手”实现“看不见的宣传”，从传统的政治宣传走向现代的政治传播，在全面深化改革中助力社会主义新闻事业的发展。     

They Come over Here … 300 Years of Xenophobic Propaganda in England

England's rulers, merchants, and organized labor in the early modern period (from the 16th to the 18th centuries) were all actively using what today we would call propaganda. Each group appreciated the need to get popular opinion on its side, or at the least to convince other groups it was in the public interest to act in a particular way. This study focuses on the use of xenophobic narratives by these actors in order to further their political, economic, or cultural objectives. The targets were economic rivals including the Dutch, but most particularly ethnic and religious outgroups, including Roman Catholics, Muslims, and Jews. Although there were public relations win-wins for anyone who was able successfully to demonize foreigners, racist and xenophobic propaganda was often more pernicious than the tellers realized, in many cases extending its influence over several generations. In addition, it is clear that many narratives failed to engage with public opinion, for reasons that were not always clear to the groups responsible for them.     

Managing anti-China nationalism in Vietnam: evidence from the media during the 2014 oil rig crisis

When confronted with an external provocation, do governments with control over the domestic media environment respond with hawkish propaganda to stir up nationalist sentiments? Vietnam's propaganda strategy during the 2014 Haiyang Shiyou 981 oil rig crisis with China is used as a case to answer this question. Based on an analysis of 570 Vietnamese newspaper articles, I argue that Vietnam managed to adopt a middle approach that included tough rhetoric to criticize Chinese actions, but also avoided overplaying the nationalist card. Instead of openly intensifying anti-China sentiments, the government tried to channel popular anger and animosity into a more positive form of pro-government nationalism. The media highlighted the need for national unity, encouragement for maritime enforcement officers, relief for affected fishermen, and above all, confidence in the government's ability to resolve the situation. Contentious historical issues between China and Vietnam were downplayed in the process. This finding helps to shed light on the development of anti-foreign nationalism in Vietnam. While leaders are compelled to respond strongly to a real provocation, they try to keep a lid on anti-China sentiments for reasons of domestic stability.