党内法规解释权配置若干问题探讨

党内法规解释是党规制度的重要环节之一,而党内法规解释机制的科学构建则离不开法规解释权的合理配置。随着党内法规制度建设不断深入,党内法规解释机制逐步得到完善,法规解释权的配置也初步实现了规范化和体系化。但在现阶段党内法规制度建设实践中,党内法规解释权的配置依然存在着一些亟待解决的问题,如党章和准则的解释权归属问题、受权解释主体①范围的内涵与外延问题、被撤销机关的解释权承继主体问题等,导致在党内法规解释工作中部分党内法规解释活动的顺利开展受到了一定程度的影响和制约。因此,如何针对党建工作的实际,优化党内法规解释权的配置,进一步完善党内法规解释机制,是当前党内法规制度建设工作中必须加以重视和解决的问题。     

利益表达、资源动员与议程设置——对于“闹大”现象的描述性分析

在当前社会转型时期的利益冲突中",闹大"已经成为公民抗争的重要逻辑。本文以近年来大量具有闹大特点的社会事件为研究对象,从理论上归纳了闹大的发展过程,概括和抽象了闹大的逻辑,并在公民与政府关系的框架下,从利益表达、资源动员和议程设置三个方面对闹大的功能性作用进行了深入的描述性分析。从利益表达的角度分析,闹大主要涉及到谁来表达、如何表达以及表达了什么的问题;从资源动员的角度分析,闹大的主要问题是动员的对象、动员过程的特征和动员的机制等问题;从议程设置的角度分析,闹大则与公民成为问题的界定者、问题是如何引起政府官员的注意的以及由谁用什么办法来解决问题等密切相关。闹大是透视公共治理状况的一面镜子。对闹大的描述性分析有助于深入把握和理解当前我国公共治理的规律和逻辑。     

Right,the state and the conception of the person

The contemporary world‐historical epoch involves both the universal extension of the state type of organization of society, and the development of a universal idea of the person in the discourse of human rights. The status of the person requires positive constitution, and such constitution requires an idea of the state that informs the actual working of states. The idea of the state cannot be developed unless the natural right conception of the basis of personhood is abandoned. Nor can the idea of the state be developed if it continues to be confused with the idea of the nation. Hegel offers us an idea of the state that we can continue to build. For Hegel the state denotes both the institutional reality of the state and the subjectivity that is required if the idea of the state is to be actualized. There is a dialectical relationship between the adequacy of the state‐centered institutional order for the effective support and facilitation of personhood and our subjective capacity to be and act as persons. Thus, processes by which the idea of the state is undermined are not independent of subjective experience and our willingness to be and act as persons.     

新中国成立以来中国共产党生态现代化建设的创新实践与经验

新中国成立以来,中国共产党不断推进现代化建设的生态转向,逐渐探索出中国特色社会主义生态现代化建设的道路与模式.在这个过程中,中国共产党完成了一系列理论与实践创新,实现了现代文明观的转型、现代化发展理念的超越、现代化建设模式的创新和现代化全球视野的拓宽,开创了人与自然和谐共生的现代化建设的新格局.同时,中国共产党也取得了丰富的建设经验:生命共同体思想是生态现代化建设的理论基础;经济社会发展与资源环境相协调是对生态现代化建设规律认识的深化;生态共享是生态现代化建设的关键节点;党的领导是生态现代化建设的核心力量.     

历史深处的漫步与遐思--陈先达先生的社会历史规律观述评

围绕社会历史的本质和规律这一唯物史观的核心议题，陈先达先生从社会历史规律异于自然规律的特点，社会历史规律的表现形式和实现方式，社会历史规律与人的意志、目的和动机的关系，社会历史规律与人的自由和解放的关系，历史决定论与非决定论和反决定论的关系等多个侧面多种角度作了阐释。本文就此进行概述，希望以此推动这一重要问题的研究。     

“变中求统”:大一统政治思想研究中的语境与逻辑问题

大一统作为一种重要的中国传统政治思想和实践遗产,时至今日仍深刻影响着中国的现实政治发展。围绕着大一统内涵、过程、性质与影响的认识与评价,思想史研究中也长期存在着诸多争论。但无论对于大一统本身所持态度如何,争论各方往往都倾向于将大一统视为一种独立于语境之外的固定结构。作为一种限制性认识前提,这无疑妨碍了对于大一统政治思想与实践发展史的全面理解,更影响到从学理逻辑上阐释大一统与现代中国国家建设与治理事业的内在关联。有鉴于此,在大一统政治思想研究中,有必要超越“正典解读”的束缚,以变的思维考察统的历程,同时也以统的逻辑来整合变的史实,将对大一统的思想史解读放在问题逻辑的语境中,关照智识语境与政治语境对其评价的影响,并慎重地探讨其内涵的普遍性与特殊性规律。唯其如此,对大一统的关照和本土化阐释才真正具有了历史性。     

The evaluation of an administrative co-operation project in North Yemen and its significance for German aid policy

This case study is based on an evaluation report of a German project for development co-operation in the field of public administration in the Republic of North Yemen. It describes the history, the efforts and the problems of the project which operated within the framework of the National Institute of Public Administration in Sana'a and in order to understand the project there is an outline of the public administration of North Yemen. The paper also describes the structure of the German side of the administration of development policy, the Ministry of Economic Co-operation, the German Society for Technical Cooperation and the Public Administration Promotion Centre in Berlin. Both the practical problems of administrative co-operation and of undertaking evaluation are analysed and a practical approach to evaluation and evaluation techniques is presented for discussion. The paper argues the merits of providing aid in support of training in order to improve public administration, and specifically emphasises the value of preparatory courses which link the educational system within the occupational system of the public sector by preparing university graduates for the profession of public administration.     

Biopolitics and Social Pathologies

Abstract

The question of social medicine provides the opportunity to engage in a critical reading of Foucault's theory of biopower. The analyses dedicated by Foucault to ‘the birth of social medicine’ represent one of the few examples of a thorough application of that theory. They allow Foucault to show the heuristic value of the biopolitical hypothesis at the level of the most concrete historical materiality, and not just at that of the general history of the forms of governmentality. These analyses, however, also allow the historiographical and political limits of the biopolitical hypothesis to come to light. From the perspective of the history of sciences as well as from that of the analysis of the modalities of social critique in the first half of the nineteenth century, Foucault appears to provide an interpretation that is too continuist and tends to homogenise the historical phenomena. The disqualification of social medicine relies in part on simplifications that continue to bear great significance today in view of the current transformations in the social question.     

The parliamentary elite in transition

Abstract Only two years after the critical elections of 27 March 1994, the Italian parliamentary election of 1996 marks another important step in the transformation of the political class. The extent of turnover is declining, and the renewal of the parliamentary elite shows some signs of stabilization. This article inquires into the differences in the sociological configuration of the new elite, and whether this means that new consolidated pathways to the parliamentary elite now already exist. The article analyzes the distribution of freshmen in the political class, the return of old backbenchers in the new political parties, the social and occupational background of MPs and, finally, their local and political experiences. In the final section, the article discusses some hypotheses about the perspectives on the recruitment of Italian MPs, focusing in particular on the effects of the structural crisis of political parties and the introduction of the plurality system. An empirically–derived typology of professionalization patterns is also provided.     

论规制失灵及政府规制能力的提升

政府规制是行政机关依据有关的法规,对微观经济主体的市场行为所进行的直接控制、约束或规范,其基本诉求是修正市场机制的先天性缺陷。规制失灵是政府规制未能达成预期目的,引致经济绩效与社会福利的净损失,包括规制制定失灵和规制执行失灵。原因主要有社会性规制匮乏与经济性规制过度并存;规制执行机构缺乏独立性,规制执行存在运动式的惯性,被规制者俘获规制者;规制规制者制度的粗陋性等。探讨规制失灵的对策,提升政府规制水平,有利于增强政府驾驭市场经济的能力和构建和谐社会的能力。     

纯洁性建设:关乎马克思主义政党生命的重大命题

纯洁性建设是关系到马克思主义政党生死存亡的重大命题。党的十八大报告提出把纯洁性建设作为党建主线,标志着我们党对马克思主义政党建设规律的认识达到了新境界。正确领会中央精神,加强党的纯洁性建设,应该把握规律性、突出紧迫性、提高实效性:从马克思主义政党的本质属性上把握规律性,是纯洁性建设的立足点;从党肩负的使命和面临的挑战上突出紧迫性,是纯洁性建设的着力点;从严格坚持党员标准、加强理想信仰教育、健全自我净化机制和构建保纯制度体系上提高实效性,是纯洁性建设的落脚点。     

Primed by the Euro: The Impact of a Referendum Campaign on Public Opinion and Evaluations of Government and Political Leaders

The premise of political priming is that public evaluations of political leaders are made on the basis of issues that are on the top of citizens' minds. This study investigated the impact of a national referendum campaign about a European integration issue on the evaluation of the incumbent government, the prime minister, and the opposition leaders. Drawing on a content analysis of news media and a two-wave panel survey, the results showed that as the topic of the referendum (the introduction of the euro) became more visible in the media during the campaign the importance of the euro issue for formulating general evaluations of political leaders increased. The incumbent government that was seen to handle the referendum poorly was penalized by the referendum. Exposure to news media outlets that covered the referendum extensively and offered negative evaluations of political leaders boosted the decline in the overall performance rating of political leaders by politically less involved respondents. These results stress the necessity of considering the campaign and the specific content of the media to understand fluctuations in public opinion during a referendum campaign. The study concludes with a discussion of the implications of a referendum campaign for political leaders.     

苏联特权现象演化逻辑与反对特权困境

苏联的特权现象经过了干部待遇特殊化、特殊待遇扩大化、干部特权异化、官僚特权阶层固化等四个渐进的演化过程。而苏联反特权却经历了列宁时期的坚决打击官僚特权、斯大林时期的放纵特权、赫鲁晓夫时期的针对特权改革再到勃列日涅夫时期的容忍特权几个曲折的阶段,最终苏联特权现象猖獗蔓延导致苏共垮台。我国反对特权必须汲取苏联的教训,坚定反对特权的政治决心,警惕特权成为维护政治秩序的工具,防止官僚特权阶层的形成,并且始终把密切党群关系作为反对特权的立足点。     

江泽民依法治国论

实行依法治国,建设社会主义法治国家,是以江泽民同志为核心的党的第三代领导集体对邓小平民主与法制建设理论的继承与发展,是党领导人民治理国家的基本方略。依法治国,是党的领导、发扬人民民主和严格依法办事的统一,是政治体制改革的重要内容。依法治国是一项巨大的系统工程,从立法、行政、司法和普法教育等方面有大量艰苦的工作要做。加强对权力的监督制约,实行依法治国与以德治国并举是依法行政的重要保障。     

Citizenship and immigrant anti-rumour strategies: a critical outlook from the Barcelona case

This article analyses the case of the Barcelona Anti-Rumour Network, an initiative promoted by the City Council and social organizations, in order to deal with the uncontrolled proliferation of rumours, prejudices and stereotypes about immigration. Rumours convey false information with the aim of exploiting the fears of citizens often disconcerted in the face of the changes brought about the arrival of a considerable number of foreign immigrants. The article analyses, through policy analysis and in-depth interviews, the role of communication in immigration policies and the concept of citizenship that exists behind this strategy. Such policies can run the risk of focusing too much on the denial of rumours rather than on the affirmation of rights, as this may question the eligibility of the immigrant population to obtain the status of citizenship.     

Post-citizenship,the New Left and the democratic commons

This article investigates the possibilities for the emergence of more participatory forms of citizenship in the context of austerity Europe. Especially significant in this regard is the history of the post-war New Left who were critical of both social democracy and authoritarian Marxism. In this context I reconsider the radical ‘humanistic’ writing of E.P. Thompson and Raymond Williams. Not only does their work offer a critical understanding of the commons, but equally connects to the revival of humanism evident within the alter globalisation movement. Further I look at the development of different ideas for a revived Left including nostalgia for the social democratic period and the idea of cosmopolitanism. While all of this work has something to offer I seek to argue that it fails to adequately address the need to develop more ecologically sensitive and more participatory forms of citizenship. In the final section, I outline the importance of the struggle for a more democratic and autonomous society and the increasing importance of issues related to traditions of self-management and the idea of the commoner. The idea of the commoner could yet become one of the major ideological struggles of the twenty-first century, but this will depend upon its ability to excite the imaginations of Europe's increasingly frustrated citizens in the age of neoliberalism.     

The European Commission: The Limits of Centralization and the Perils of Parliamentarization

The idea of an inevitable process of centralization in the European Community (EC)/European Union (EU) is a myth. Also, the metaphor of “creeping competences,” with its suggestion of a surreptitious but continuous growth of the powers of the Commission, can be misleading. It is true that the functional scope of EC/EU competences has steadily increased, but the nature of new competences has changed dramatically, as may be seen from the evolution of the methods of harmonization. The original emphasis on total harmonization, which gives the Community exclusive competence over a given policy area, has been largely replaced by more flexible but less “communitarian” methods such as optional and minimum harmonization, reference to nonbinding technical standards, and mutual recognition. Finally, the treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam explicitly excluded harmonization for most new competences. Thus, the expansion of the jurisdiction of the EC/EU has not automatically increased the powers of the Commission, but has actually weakened them in several respects. In addition, the progressive parliamentarization of the Commission risks compromising its credibility as an independent regulator, without necessarily enhancing its democratic legitimacy. Since the member states continue to oppose any centralization of regulatory powers, even in areas essential to the functioning of the internal market, the task of implementing Community policies should be entrusted to networks of independent national and European regulators, roughly modeled on the European System of Central Banks. The Commission would coordinate and monitor the activities of these networks in order to ensure the coherence of EC regulatory policies. More generally, it should bring its distinctive competence more clearly into focus by concentrating on the core business of ensuring the development and proper functioning of the single European market. This is a more modest role than that of the kernel of a future government of Europe, but it is essential to the credibility of the integration process and does not overstrain the limited financial and legitimacy resources available to the Commission.     

合肥市出租车市场管制效应及其成因解析——基于转轨国家政府俘获理论的一个解释途径

出租车市场采用何种模式与政府的管制政策关系密切.不同的管制政策产生不同的经营模式,而不同的经营模式带来的后果迥异.其中,因为采用"北京模式"的城市经常发生群体性事件而备受争议,对因管制政策而引起的诸多矛盾和问题学者们更多从利益集团理论进行解释.但作者并不完全认同这种解释.以合肥市出租车市场作为"北京模式"的代表进行分析,通过运用对司机成本和收入的调查所得出的数据以及运用福利经济学理论分析了三大管制政策带来的效应,尤其是进入资格限制和强制挂靠这一管制政策所导致的司机利益向出租车公司的强制转移,然后以转轨国家的政府俘获理论为研究基础,从制度环境、管制政策的不合法和不合理性、出租车公司管理职能的虚置、出租车公司和政府部门之间存在利益链条等方面来论证得出合肥市出租车市场存在政府俘获问题,进而推出采用"北京模式"的其它城市的出租车市场也可能存在政府俘获问题.     

潜规则生发机制及其遏制——兼论吏治规范

潜规则是官场正式规则背后的另类规则，它像癌细胞一样寄生于正式规则又不断地侵蚀着正式规则。正式规则下的自由裁量权和官员的个人理性是潜规则生存的充分必要条件，基于个人理性的自组织(self—organizing)机制则是潜规则得以扩张的根本原因。潜规则遏制的核心问题是如何提高控制的有效性，在当前的转型期社会，吏治规范的主要思路是强化人民代表大会的监督职能，建立相对独立的监督行政体系。