中国周边外交“亲诚惠容”的新理念

"亲诚惠容"是中共十八大之后提出的周边外交理念,是中国新一届领导集体对周边外交的概念性纲领,体现了中国外交理念的重要继承和积极创新。目前,由于受多种因素的影响,中国和周边地区关系存在一些争端,周边环境的安全也遇到了一些问题。因此,我国的周边外交活动需要进一步加强,要用更深远的眼光,在深刻理解"亲诚惠容"的含义并分析其作用的基础上,设定更严谨的计划来进行有效的执行,由此来不断改善我国的周边外交。     

中国周边外交创新局

中国周边外交是中国外交的基石,在中国外交总体布局中居首要位置。新形势下,面对诸多不和谐声音,中国新一届领导集体主动谋划、积极进取。在周边外交工作座谈会精神的指导下,我国周边外交呈现新亮点。"亲诚惠容"的新理念、互联互通建设的新手笔、维护主权权益的新举措,为争取良好的周边环境,实现"两个一百年"奋斗目标,实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦夯实了理论依据和现实基础。     

海上丝绸之路:周边外交的动脉与桥梁

正中国正在全面升级周边外交,"亲诚惠容"成为今后中国周边外交的指导思想,而海上丝绸之路将成为中国周边外交的动脉与桥梁。随着中国步入海陆复合型发展道路,海上丝绸之路被赋予了新的内涵与新的意义。首先,海上丝绸之路是中国与周边国家跨越时空的和平纽带自汉代建立起海上丝绸之路以来,以中国古都长安为起点,连接亚洲、非洲和欧洲的古代陆上商业贸易路线,千百年来成为连通东西方的重要"交通走廊",频繁地进行和平的航     

试论十八大以来习近平外交新理念的鲜明特点

习近平外交新理念是一个完整的科学体系,包括外交目标新理念、外交旗帜新理念和外交战略新理念。党的十八大以来,习近平根据国内外形势的新变化,按照"周边是首要、大国是关键、发展中国家是基础、多边是重要舞台"的外交战略布局,相应地提出以新型国际关系为核心的大国外交新理念、"亲、诚、惠、容"四字箴言周边外交新理念、"正确义利观"的对发展中国家的外交新理念,以及广泛形式多边外交新理念。习近平外交新理念体现出继承性和创新性相结合、注重顶层设计与坚守底线相结合、战略性与全局性相结合、大国心态和大国担当相结合等特点。     

新变局·新内涵·新常态——中国周边外交新战略探析

面对国际政治新变局,党的新一代领导集体审时度势,以新理念和新实践发展出周边外交的新战略。新战略是对国际政治新变局的深刻认识和回应,它一改以往"维稳反应型"守成外交为更加积极进取的"主动维权维稳型"开拓外交,把构建可敬可靠不可犯的大国形象作为周边外交新常态。新战略包含着新内涵,即以坚定不移维护国家核心利益为立足点,以"与邻为善、以邻为伴"为基本原则,以"亲诚惠容"为实践要求。新战略在实践中积极运筹,一定程度上化解了周边的严峻形势,初步树立起可敬可靠不可犯的新大国形象,成功地将不断增长的经济、军事实力转化为社会性的权力和权威,更好地维护了国家核心利益与亚洲的和平稳定,为实现中华民族伟大复兴的国家战略目标营造出良好的周边环境。     

习近平中国特色大国外交思想的问题指向与基本内涵

党的十八大以来,习近平围绕中国特色大国外交提出了一系列新理念、新思想、新战略,进一步丰富和拓展了习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的理论成果,为世界和平稳定贡献了中国方案和中国智慧。总体上看,习近平中国特色大国外交思想主要包含合作共赢的新型国际关系理念、共商共建共享的全球治理理念、"亲、诚、惠、容"的周边命运共同体理念和正确义利观的发展中国家团结合作理念等。这些新理念具有鲜明的问题导向,是对世界历史进程处于大变革时期的理论自觉,对于坚持和发展中国特色社会主义具有重大的理论意义和实践价值。     

人类命运共同体思想得到广泛认同的原因所在

共同构建人类命运共同体倡议之所以引起巨大国际影响的原因:一是符合"天下为公,命运与共"的世界大同理念;二是顺应"己所不欲,勿施于人"的国际公理;三是提出"与人为善、亲诚惠容"的新型国际关系准则;四是满足"共商共建、共赢共享"的广大发展中国家的价值诉求;五是符合人民立场和辩证思维。     

和平崛起与中国周边外交新理念和新格局

中国的和平崛起始自周边,中国的安全稳定也始自周边。近年来,中国的"周边安全困境"与"周边外交"已成为对外关系的重要基本考量和风险变量因素。新兴大国崛起导致东亚地区秩序调整与国际格局转型,使中国周边领土纠纷和海洋权益争端及地区安全稳定问题日趋凸显,造成中国崛起的周边安全困境。中国能否营造一个和平、和睦、合作发展的周边关系及周边稳定环境,中国新一届政府从多层次、立体化、跨时空的视角对中国周边局势做出了基本战略判断,把中国的周边外交新理念浓缩为"亲、诚、惠、容"四字箴言,提出建设"一带一路"中国周边经济合作新格局。     

习近平国际战略思想探析

习近平国际战略思想是习近平治国理政思想的重要组成部分,包括时代主题观、国际格局观、中国自身的定位和国际地位、外交目标、外交政策和策略等几方面的内容。习近平国际战略思想的崇高目标是实现中国与世界各国和平发展、合作共赢。围绕这一目标,习近平提出了共建人类命运共同体、"一带一路"战略构想、坚持"亲、诚、惠、容"周边外交理念、构建新型大国关系、树立新型安全观、坚持正确义利观和发展观等倡议,就世界发展蓝图、构建新型国际关系、培育共同价值观进行战略擘划。     

习近平人类命运共同体思想的三重价值观

党的十八大以来,中国共产党立足于世界大发展大变革大调整的世界背景和对世界人民生存与发展现状的现实考量,创造性地提出构建人类命运共同体理念,呼吁世界各国人民把握前途命运,携手共创人类美好未来。这一理念包含三重价值:"仁爱""和合""义利""诚信"等伦理价值、"重民""天下""大同"等政治价值、"亲""仁""善""诚""义"等实践价值。从三重价值维度揭示习近平人类命运共同体思想的深刻内涵,是理论和实践的现实需要,为世界人民达成价值共识提供学理支撑。     

Change, Continuity, and the Evolution of the Law

Congress regularly passes significant laws. Some of these laws continue in their initial form, with the original bargain struck by the enacting coalition untouched by any future laws; others are changed—strengthened or weakened—soon after passage. What accounts for this variation in the stability of laws, in the longevity of the original legislative agreement? We contend that political conditions at the time of enactment—in particular, the existence of divided government and the level of ideological disagreement between the House and Senate—influence the likelihood that a law will be amended. We demonstrate that laws originally crafted by diverse political coalitions are less durable than those crafted by strong, unified coalitions, which are in a position to entrench their preferred policies and protect them from future change. Furthermore, we show that the probability of a law being amended is affected by future political conditions, the actions of the judiciary, and factors specific to the law.     

Democracy,the Market,and the Logic of Social Choice

This article compares the types of knowledge democracy and the market require to rationally allocate resources. I argue that high levels of public ignorance and voters’ inability to compare the effects of different parties’ policies make it difficult for parties and elections to rationally allocate resources. Markets mitigate these problems because the simultaneous existence of multiple firms’ products facilitates comparisons that mimic the conditions of scientific experimentation. The economy of knowledge involved in such comparisons indicates there are epistemic advantages to using firms and markets, instead of political parties and elections, to allocate scarce resources. However, in contrast to arguments that markets merely provide better information than political decisions, I argue markets’ epistemic advantages are derived from the way they facilitate comparisons that minimize decision makers’ need for knowledge or understanding.     

Max Weber, Religion, and the Disenchantment of the World

This article offers a re-evaluation of Max Weber’s analyses of both the disenchantment of the world and the origins of capitalism.     

Citizens, Representatives, and the Myth of the Decision-Making Divide

In this study, I use a computerized experiment to test whether elected officials differ from everyday citizens in how they use information to make political choices. Ninety state and local level elected officials took part in the study, as did 179 adults from the general population. I tracked participants’ information use as they attempted to solve two hypothetical public policy problems. The data show that while elected officials differ from everyday citizens in their demographics and in the consistency of their political views, these groups did not differ systematically in their depth of information search, their proclivity to compare choice alternatives, or their depth of information processing. These findings held across two different public policy scenarios, controlling for differences in political knowledge, education, and elective experience. In addition to opening a new methodological frontier for the study of political elites, these results accelerate an ongoing debate between Burkeian paternalists and advocates of a more populist democracy.     

Transnationalism,neo-liberalism,and the rise of the shadow state

This paper examines the processes through which a neo-liberal agenda is broadened and entrenched through time. The case study focuses on a federal immigration policy in Canada in the 1980s, which encouraged the rapid entry of wealthy entrepreneurs and investors from Hong Kong. One of the many impacts of the arrival of this Chinese business élite in British Columbia was the rapid growth of a key volunteer organization in Vancouver dedicated to social service provisioning for immigrants. With the donations and volunteerism of the new Chinese arrivals, this organization grew from a small, narrowly focused social service institution, to one of the largest and most extensive providers in the lower Mainland, supplying numerous goods and services formerly controlled primarily by the province and the federal government. As a result of the actions of this voluntary organization, a type of interstitial organization that some scholars have termed under the rubric, 'the shadow state', conservative politicians in the 1980s were able to roll back many welfare state programmes in British Columbia without a corresponding loss of legitimacy occurring from the immediate truncation of services. The Business Immigration Programme thus aided in the entrenchment of a neo-liberal agenda both through the increased circulation of capital and articulation with Asian networks, and also through the devolution of direct welfare-state governance. I argue that this immigration programme thus represents one good example of the multiple ways that seemingly simple policy shifts can have much broader effects, and can entrench neo-liberal policy socially,culturally and institutionally as well as economically.     

Screens in the sky: SAGE,surveillance, and the automation of perceptual,mnemonic, and epistemological labor

This essay investigates the centrality of the U.S. Military in the process of automating the labor of surveillance. The creation of Semi-Automatic Ground Environment (SAGE), an anti-nuclear defense system developed in the 1950s, marked the computerization of the perceptual, mnemonic, and epistemological labor that is necessary for surveillance and is emblematic of screening technologies. The essay situates SAGE in a long history of military surveillance that depended upon media technologies. Building upon the work of Michel Foucault and Freidrich Kittler, it is argued that media are essential for understanding how surveillance is problematized for security.