近年来执政党与人大关系研究综述

执政党与人大的关系是当代中国政治的一个重要课题,也是近年来中国政治学和宪法学研究探讨的热点问题。收集整理近年来国内发表的相关研究文献,从执政党与人大关系的内涵、执政党与人大关系的重要性、执政党与人大关系的发展过程、理顺执政党与人大关系的基本路径、地方党委书记兼任人大常委会主任模式五个方面梳理总结了学术界关于执政党与人大关系的研究成果。     

政治象征理论的钩沉与反思——兼论象征政治学理路的铺设北大核心CSSCI

政治象征作为新制度主义政治学的核心主题之一,其复兴在近30年中可谓缓滞。在当前政治理论和实践皆已巨变的背景下铺设一条象征政治学的新理路,需要对政治象征的学术史作重新梳理和反思。人类学通过分析象征在社会结构和政治过程中的具体作用,逐渐将权力当作政治象征研究的主要方向;早期政治科学的奠基者基于对政治象征与性情和情境这两类因素之间关系的界定,为政治象征研究筑造了相对独立的心理学基础;后行为主义政治学时期的研究者则以行政系统中的象征作用和象征意义的生成模式为重点,初步构建起体系性的政治象征分析框架。基于这些文献梳理工作,本文构建了一条象征政治学理路,以为拓展和深化政治实践范畴中的国家建设、政府治理和政治文化等核心问题的研究提供新的思路。     

政治象征理论的钩沉与反思——兼论象征政治学理路的铺设

政治象征作为新制度主义政治学的核心主题之一,其复兴在近30年中可谓缓滞。在当前政治理论和实践皆已巨变的背景下铺设一条象征政治学的新理路,需要对政治象征的学术史作重新梳理和反思。人类学通过分析象征在社会结构和政治过程中的具体作用,逐渐将权力当作政治象征研究的主要方向;早期政治科学的奠基者基于对政治象征与性情和情境这两类因素之间关系的界定,为政治象征研究筑造了相对独立的心理学基础;后行为主义政治学时期的研究者则以行政系统中的象征作用和象征意义的生成模式为重点,初步构建起体系性的政治象征分析框架。基于这些文献梳理工作,本文构建了一条象征政治学理路,以为拓展和深化政治实践范畴中的国家建设、政府治理和政治文化等核心问题的研究提供新的思路。     

从政治学博士论文看我国政治学研究之取向北大核心CSSCI

博士研究生是未来学术研究的中坚力量,博士论文是读博士研究生期间最重要的成果,形塑未来的研究方向和研究方法,因而,对博士论文进行梳理不无裨益。政治学博士点设立三十余年来培养了一大批政治学博士,但却未见对博士论文的梳理。这就需要采用文本研究方法,对政治学科排名前十名高校2011～2015年间政治学理论专业的369篇博士学位论文的选题来源、主题分类与界定、研究范式等进行比较分析,评估中国政治学引介与创新的贡献,辨析政治学在中国与中国的政治学之间的“身份危机”所在。以博士论文为代表的中国政治学的研究要坚守价值取向与立足现实关怀,吸取人类共同的政治智慧与挖掘本土积累的政治实践,在引介西方政治学的基础上实践中国的经验,建构中国的理论,为中国政治学研究提供知识储备,为中国政治发展作出政治学应有的贡献和智慧。     

深化供给侧结构性改革的三个维度

建设现代化经济体系必须以供给侧结构性改革为主线。清晰地探讨供给侧结构性改革问题需建立一个层级结构的认识框架,可从宏观动力维度、中观产业维度和微观企业维度等三个维度去分析。从宏观维度看,经济增长有赖于劳动、资本、全要素生产率三大动力;从中观维度看,制造业、实体经济依然对GDP的增长具有举足轻重的作用;从微观维度看,企业的改革与发展是基础。在深化供给侧结构性改革的过程中,要注意增强改革的系统性、整体性、协同性,三个维度的改革统筹推进。     

新制度主义政治学的建构主义转向北大核心

新制度主义政治学作为社会科学领域的重要分析路径,在外部资源借鉴与内部理论完善的双重动力下发生建构主义转向。新制度主义政治学从经济学、政治学、社会学的“语言学转向”中获取建构主义研究灵感,为了弥补研究不足、促进理论融贯、扩展内生维度,改造政治科学观念研究的分析术语并拓展观念因果机制研究。新制度主义政治学的建构主义转向衍生出侧重利益建构、内在因果、观念塑造的观念制度分析路径,强调主体间性、话语阐释、意义框架的话语制度分析路径,以及看重修辞策略、符号互动、叙事结构的修辞制度分析路径。总结新制度主义政治学建构主义转向的启示意义,需要归纳建构主义取向制度研究在动态视角、研究基础、因果阐释方面的突出贡献,反思建构主义取向制度研究在研究定位、分析维度、利益界定方面的现有局限,据此提炼本土政治学概念构建、方法运用、议题扩展的理论发展经验。     

中国网络政治研究:进程与争鸣

当下的网络是科学技术和现代化进程共同催生的时代新媒体,成为公共政治函数中不可小视的重要变量。直面网络时代以及由此带来的社会问题,成为法学、政治学、经济学、社会学、管理学等诸多学科共同探讨的学术话题。通过对1994—2010年间CNKI文献与主要论著的检索、阅读和分析,历时性地梳理中国网络政治的研究成果,检视学术历程、主要论题和发展趋势,对于深化中国网络政治研究,建构和培育新的学术生长点和增长点不无裨益。毫无疑问,网络政治研究的深入将对中国政治学的发展产生积极而又深远的影响。     

中国政治学研究的发展态势与评价 ——基于《政治学研究》(2000-2015年)的文献计量分析

采用文献计量方法,从研究主题热点、研究方法、研究者队伍、引文与被引情况等方面,对《政治学研究》2000-2015年刊载的1021篇研究性论文进行统计分析.结果表明:16年来,中国政治学研究主流领域是政治行为和政治文化,政治行为、政治发展、政治性质是一级主题热点,政治管理、政治学的性质、政治民主和政治统治是二级主题热点;政治学研究方法以传统思辨式定性研究为主,缺乏实证、定量研究;政治学研究者研究方向稳定性不足,产文单位以高校为主,高产论文单位是中国社会科学院,作者合著率低,主要为独著;作者引用文献主要是中文期刊和著作,高频被引文献主要源自政治行为、政治发展领域,高频被引作者为陈剩勇、周平.由此,提出政治学研究的未来发展取向,为我国政治学的健康发展提供有益借鉴.     

困境与挑战:农村政治学的研究方法演化与范式转换

农村政治学是研究农村政治关系、权力、制度及其发展规律的政治学的分支学科。本文勾勒了农村政治学产生的过程,梳理了农村政治学研究方法和研究范式的演化轨迹,认为当前农村政治学已经广泛采用结构主义、制度主义、符号话语分析等不同视角,并应用历史分析、过程-事件、问卷调查、实地调查等研究方法,获得了农村治理研究的丰硕成果。同时,本文也指出,无论是在知识层面,理论层面还是方法层面,农村政治学都存在的困境与局限性。因而,本文提出若干研究范式的转向,以期进一步推动农村政治学的学科发展。     

公共管理:政治学的视阈

本文首先对政治与公共管理的关系做历史的梳理与现实描绘,其次从主体、客体、过程、手段、职能等角度对公共管理进行政治学分析,最后从政治学角度提出建立中国特色的公共管理理论与学科体系应该注意的问题。     

Parties, media, the public and the economy: Patterns of societal agenda-setting

Abstract. The aim of this study is to assess the relative strength of the reciprocal causal relationships between the political agenda (the party agenda), the mass media agenda and the public agenda. Although the research literature is rather confusing and inconclusive, three causal patterns have often been suggested. The economic theory of representative democracy ('public choice' theory) assumes bottom-up agenda-setting. The political agenda is assumed to respond to the public agenda. However, theories on political communication suggest top-down agenda-setting. The political agenda would set the media agenda, which in turn would set the public agenda. The central tenet of mediacracy theory is the proposition that the media agenda sets both the public agenda and the political agenda. This article uses data on economic issues in the Netherlands in the period 1980–1986 and linear structural equations models to test these three causal patterns. The results warrant both bottom-up and top-down agenda-setting, but the mediacracy model is rejected. The conclusion should be that the economic theory of democracy, which prevails in the political science journals, has to incorporate findings from political communication research.     

Zwischen pragmatischem Verstehen und theoretischen Perspektiven. Politikwissenschaftliche Forschung zur Bundesrepublik Deutschland

Since 1949 we have witnessed paradigmatic changes in political science research concerning the field of German politics. The focus of this article is on the most important political institutions in Germany: Federal President, Federal Government, Federal Parliament, Bundesrat (quasi second chamber)/federalism and Federal Constitutional Court. German political science has produced an impressive number of publications on the German political system with a wide range of approaches and of high quality. What is to some extent lacking, however, is an innovative combination of the improved knowledge created with regard to the functioning of institutions in Germany on the one hand and of middle-range theories of political science on the other, especially of theories developed in international and comparative discourses.     

Measuring the Growth of the Nonprofit Sector: A Longitudinal Analysis

Scholars have examined the effects of various environmental factors on the nonprofit sector to elucidate the role of nonprofits in modern society. However, researchers report a paucity of information on nonprofit growth using longitudinal data, especially outside the United States. This article analyzes 40 years of political, economic, and sociodemographic data in South Korea to test theories of nonprofit growth and to determine whether the concepts and theories developed for Western societies can be successfully applied in South Korea. The results show that demand‐ and supply‐side economic theories account for variations in nonprofit growth, but the existing socioeconomic explanations fail to recognize the political influences on nonprofit development. Nonprofit organizations have emerged from social and economic necessity but have also been nurtured within a political framework.     

Political Institutions, Public Policy and Economic Growth

The argument of the Rise and Decline of Nulions (RADON) opens up a new area of important social science research: to understand the social and political setting of economic growth. The paper tests the argument that institutionalization leads fo the decline of nafions slowing down the rate of economic growth. Employing several indicators on economic growth and controlling for a number of factors the finding with regard to the OECD-nations is that the Olson emphasis on institutionalization is confirmed.     

历史政治学的功能分析

历史政治学的提出引发了中国政治学界的广泛关注。作为一种新型研究路径的历史政治学不但具有客观的分析主义特征,而且和其它政治理论的研究路径一样,还具有鲜明的功能主义特征。历史政治学首先回答了政治理论的知识来源问题,从而为建构中国自主性政治学知识体系提供了可能。基于政治学取向的政治史研究有助于避免因“文化转向”而导致的历史研究的碎片化问题,这意味着历史政治学研究既追求“真相”也关怀“真理”。历史政治学的知识功能自然有其政治实践价值,那就是为治国理政提供历史解释与现实论述,并为认识合法性政治提供一套不同于理性人假设的历时性方案。     

Politics and Economic Growth

Traditional growth theory viewed economic growth as a resultant of economic factors, in particular capital investment. Development economics implied a broader approach, emphasizing social structure change and human capital. Finally, it was also hinted that political factors could influence the rate of change in the development of the economic system. Testing various theories of economic growth we find that institutional sclerosis is the basic political factor that is related to the process of economic growth. The next step is to analyse how political structures and public policy have an impact on the basic factor in economic growth, viz. investments.     

主题、类型和规范:国内政治学研究的状况分析--以近十年复印报刊资料《政治学》中的论文为对象

目前，政治学研究的主体队伍在高等院校，研究的领域以政治理论为主，多侧重于规范性研究。经验研究由于本身水准的制约，使之尚难以上升至本科学专业刊物的主流位置。值得重视的问题还在于：不管是经验研究，还是规范研究。其规范性程度均有待大力提高。相当部分论文既缺少必要的“文献评论”，也不作任何“文献引证”；既缺失“问题意识”，更不能提出自身的理论假设。不过，近年间《政治学》论文规范性程度的大步提升，或许既显示了主流专业学术刊物对学术规范的重视，也预示了本学科研究中业已出现的值得鼓舞和追求的努力。     

Economic grievances and political protest

How do economic grievances affect citizens’ inclination to protest? Given rising levels of inequality and widespread economic hardship in the aftermath of the Great Recession, this question is crucial for political science: if adverse economic conditions depress citizens’ engagement, as many contributions have argued, then the economic crisis may well feed into a crisis of democracy. However, the existing research on the link between economic grievances and political participation remains empirically inconclusive. It is argued in this article that this is due to two distinct shortcomings, which are effectively addressed by combining the strengths of political economy and social movement theories. Based on ESS and EU-SILC data from 2006–2012, as well as newly collected data on political protest in 28 European countries, a novel, more fine-grained conceptualisation of objective economic grievances considerably improves our understanding of the direct link between economic grievances and protest behaviour. While structural economic disadvantage (i.e., the level of grievances) unambiguously de-mobilises individuals, the deterioration of economic prospects (i.e., a change in grievances) instead increases political activity. Revealing these two countervailing effects provides an important clarification that helps reconcile many seemingly conflicting findings in the existing literature. Second, the article shows that the level of political mobilisation substantially moderates this direct link between individual hardship and political activity. In a strongly mobilised environment, even structural economic disadvantage is no longer an impediment to political participation. There is a strong political message in this interacting factor: if the presence of organised and visible political action is a decisive signal for citizens that conditions the micro-level link between economic grievances and protest, then democracy itself – that is, organised collective action – can help sustain political equality and prevent the vicious circle of democratic erosion.     

Regulatory Analysis Procedures and Political Influence on Bureaucratic Policymaking

Well‐known theories suggest that administrative procedures may be used as mechanisms of political control of the bureaucracy. This study investigates whether three common regulatory analysis procedures—cost‐benefit analysis, risk assessment, and economic impact analysis—lead to greater influence by political officials on bureaucratic policymaking. Multivariate analyses of data from a unique survey of state administrators indicate that regulatory analysis requirements are associated with decreases in the perceived influence of elected political officials on the content of administrative rules. This association is particularly evident in cases where proposed rules are subjected to a cost–benefit test. These findings contradict prominent theories of administrative procedures, but are consistent with recent research on the political power of administrative agencies.     

Building Regions on Economic Success: Prosperity and Regionalism in Rogaland

This article presents a political economy perspective on the growth of regionalism in Rogaland, where ever more political issues have been viewed through a regional lens over the last fifteen years. Rogaland has also experienced an economic boom since the 1970s, when it became the hub of Norway's oil adventures in the North Sea. The question is whether these developments are connected, and more specifically, whether the newfound economic prosperity can explain the growth of regionalism. After discussing the main political economy theories of regionalism, the capacity of each theory in explaining the developments in the case at hand is assessed. In particular, the article presents the theoretical argument behind the idea that economic prosperity could lead to regionalism, referring to cases such as Catalonia, Slovenia and Northern Italy. The growth of regionalism in Rogaland is demonstrated by a quantitative content analysis study, which shows that the growth in regionalism corresponds closely to the economic growth over the period 1960–2000. This leads to the conclusion that economic prosperity is the best explanation for the developments in Rogaland. The article then goes on to show specifically how the region's economic prosperity has been applied by political elites in the creation of a regionalist discourse, with examples of how regional elites have been using the region's prosperity in discussions over infrastructure investments, government representation and regional government.