反思欧盟制宪实践——哈贝马斯式的视角

在质料意义上而言,欧盟已经存在有宪政雏形。哈贝马斯认为,制宪将会促成欧洲范围内全方位、多层次的大辩论,为各国协商对话和沟通创造契机,产生政治公共领域,培育共同政治文化。文章指出,一部形式和规范意义上的欧盟宪法是社会治理系统工程的开端和象征,代表着一种新秩序,无论是在欧盟内部还是在世界舞台上。     

欧洲一体化与主权让渡问题初探

在主权相对主义下,国家的部分主权是可以让渡的,欧洲一体化的进程就伴随着主权让渡。欧盟这一超国家组织的形成正是各成员国在基于自身利益考量基础上的主权让渡的结果。虽然出现了欧盟制宪危机,但成员国为了享受全球化所带来的机遇和利益,欧洲一体化的进程必将继续。     

以欧盟为中心看欧洲私法的法典化趋向

随着欧盟政治一体化的不断推进,欧洲法律一体化的步伐也日益加快,其中欧洲私法的法典化趋势尤其引人瞩目.欧盟自身的发展动力,以及法学界围绕<欧洲民法典>工程进行的学术准备,推动欧盟采取正式行动,着手解决欧洲私法面临的困境;其立法规划最终落实为一项所谓的<共同参照框架>.这份即将出台的法律文件是实质的法典编纂,将引发一场深远的欧洲私法的法典化变革.然而受制于欧盟权限,欧洲私法的法典化呈现出不同于传统的独特性.     

欧盟宪治:一种宪政法理学解读

<欧盟宪法条约>在2005年遭遇挫折,原因是多方面的,或许民主的因素不可忽视,当然这还涉及到人们刘欧盟性质、特征以及宪法条约文本的理解.欧盟立宪应当是一个社会互动的过程,包括民众在内的各种社会力量通过谈判达成共识,这样产生的宪法才是一部欧洲人民的宪法,而非仅仅是一部欧洲国家间的宪法,也唯有如此才可能构建新的宪政秩序.而宪政法理学为我们研究欧盟立宪问题提供了概念分析工具.     

论欧洲刑事政策的一体化

欧洲刑事政策在欧洲市场一体化的背景中获得关注。欧洲刑事政策一体化表现在两个方面：欧洲法律的刑事化，即欧洲共同体、欧盟层面刑事法律规范的扩张和限制；刑事法律的欧洲化，即各成员国刑事法律对欧洲统一、共同的刑事标准的反应，前者集中体现为一体化，后者集中体现为一体化语境下的多元化。《里斯本条约》确立的多数表决立法机制为欧洲超国家的刑事实体法和刑事程序法的发展提供了空间，一方面可能导致欧洲刑事立法扩张的风险，另一方面成员国为了维护自身的身份滥用防卫机制可能导致欧盟刑事立法的瘫痪。欧洲刑事政策一体化有助于解决这样的矛盾，为合理控制并引导欧洲的刑事立法和实践提供可靠的途径。     

欧盟刑事一体化的起源与发展

欧洲一体化是在经济一体化基础上渐次开展的政治一体化,外交防务一体化,而刑事一体化则是政治一体化框架下的一项重要内容。以时间为发展脉络,归纳、描述欧洲刑事一体化的提出、发展、创新及逐步完善,并借以评价欧盟刑事一体化为国际刑事合作和区域间刑事合作所提供的范例作用。     

一体化进程中的欧洲权力结构分析——以爱尔兰否决《里斯本条约》为视角

爱尔兰全民公投否决了欧盟新宪法《里斯本条约》,使欧洲一体化进程再次遭到重挫。爱尔兰的否决权是一种结构性权力,来源于它在一体化进程中所处的地位,反映了欧洲的权力结构,即成员国与联盟的权力在安全、生产、金融以及知识领域的分配状况,这种分配状况反映了一体化程度的高低,若使一体化进程有所突破,必须调整权力分配,使其向有利于联盟的方向发展。     

试论欧洲刑法的现状和欧盟刑法的前景

欧洲刑法是一个新的领域。即使在欧洲国家,虽然“欧洲刑法”一词的提出有几十年了,但比较全面的研究也是最近几年的事情。欧洲刑法是一个充满了活力和变化的领域,多年以来,不但在有关法律规范的制定和所办理的案件的数量上不断增加,而且在法律规则发展的性质上都在或多或少地进行着演变,而以近来欧洲共同刑法的研究和推动活动以及欧盟制宪所带来的变化更为引人瞩目。限于篇幅,本文仅拟对欧洲刑法的现状和欧盟刑法可能的发展前景做简略的述评,并尝试提出欧洲刑法对我国的几点启示。     

人物

希拉克:法国阻击“欧洲宪政”积极支持欧洲宪政并致力于提高法国在欧盟地位的法国总统希拉克没有想到《欧盟宪法条约》在5月29日举行的全民公决中未获通过。当天反对通过该条约的法国民众在巴黎举行盛大的庆祝游行,而希拉克则在电视讲话中不无遗憾地指出:法国反对批准《欧盟宪法条约》,“将不可避免地”损害法国在欧洲的利益。作为欧盟的创始成员国之一,法国在欧洲一体化的进程当中始终扮演着积极支持者的角色,此次否决《欧盟宪法条约》,令欧盟各国政要深感震惊和遗憾。这次公投,暗示着法国政坛内部暗潮涌动。此次公投反映出的法国政治、经…     

欧盟军事一体化的新进展与展望

20世纪九十年代后，欧盟逐渐形成军事一体化体系。本文将简述欧洲军事一体化的进展，浅析其面临的困难挑战，并对其前景进行理性展望。     

The Idea of a European Constitution

Any abstract account of a field of law must make generalizationsthat are both faithful to the legal materials and appropriateto the subject matter's aims. The uniqueness and fluidity ofthe European Union's institutions makes such generalizationsvery difficult. A common theoretical approach to EU law (onethat is often relied upon by the Court of Justice, the Parliamentand the Commission) is to borrow directly from the theory ofdomestic constitutional law. The most recent manifestation ofthis tendency is the draft Treaty on the European Constitution,which includes many of the symbolic features of a domestic constitutionalorder. But the European Union is not a state and the constitutionalanalogy is in many ways problematic. In this article I defendthe view that a more complex theory is more appropriate to theunique combination of ordinary politics with diplomatic conferencesthat constitutes the European Union. The key to these institutionsis, in my view, a Kantian international ideal of liberal peace.The foundational constitutional principles of the EU, principlesthat both fit the current legal framework and offer its mostattractive interpretation, require the qualified autonomy ofmember states in a union of republics that create collectiveinstitutions for the purposes of liberal peace.     

Reforming the Market or the State? Article 30 and the European Constitution: Economic Freedom and Political Rights

This article takes as its starting-point the relationship between Article 30 of 30 of the EC Treaty (general rule on the free movement of goods) and the European Constitution. On the one hand, it examines Article 30 in the context of the constitutional dilemmas facing the European Union, particularly the balance of powers to be defined between Member States and the Union, between public power and the market, and between the legitimacy of Community law vis à vis that of national law. On the other hand, it reviews different conceptions of the European Economic Constitution by analysing the role of Article 30 in the review of market regulation.     

Tailoring Representative Democracy to the European Union: Does the European Constitution Reduce the Democratic Deficit?

Abstract Even if the institutions of representative democracy that have developed in the nation‐state context cannot be simply transposed to the European Union, for practical and normative reasons they do provide the main starting point for any reflection on the EU's ‘democratic deficit’. This article draws upon the Constitution prepared by the European Convention to reconstruct the concept of representative democracy in the EU. Drawing on the proposals put forward, it identifies two distinctive challenges that need to be overcome if the concept of representative democracy is to be successfully applied to the EU: the multilevel character of the polity and the shift of the centre of political gravity from legislative to executive politics. The article then examines the extent to which the institutional proposals contained in the Constitution go to meet these two challenges and also highlights some aspects in which these proposals fall short.     

《欧盟宪法条约》框架下的欧盟机构改革

2004年 10月,欧盟各成员国在罗马签署了《欧盟宪法条约》,这标志着欧盟政治一体化进入了一个崭新的阶段。该条约涉及欧盟政治与经济生活的方方面面,其中最令人关注的莫过于其对欧盟机构体系所进行的改革。《欧盟宪法条约》对欧盟机构体系改革规定了诸多内容,但改革中仍存不足。     

A European Constitution in a Multinational Europe or a Multinational Constitution for Europe?

Abstract: What is the role of the nation‐state in the process of European constitutional integration? How can we transcend our divisions without marginalising those who believe in them? This article critically analyses the theoretical bases of the Treaty Establishing a Constitution for Europe and tries to explain why its ratification is so problematic. Authors such as Habermas have argued that a new European model of social cohesion is needed, and Habermas suggests that the sense of ‘community’ in a democratic Europe should be founded exclusively on the acceptance of a patriotic constitution. However, this view is criticised by authors such as Weiler and MacCormick. In this article, I explain the limits of these theoretical analyses. I will argue that a European constitutional project can be more than formally legal only if two normative conditions are satisfied: it is the result of public debate and the European Constitution includes the procedures for the recognition of European national diversity. I suggest that a theory of constitutional multinationalism, similar to the one proposed by Tully, might provide an attractive model for a European social integration. The article is divided in two parts. In the first, I explain why Habermas’ constitutional patriotism or MacCormick's states based Europe cannot provide a convincing theoretical model for a socially and constitutionally integrated Europe. In the second part, I will give an outline of Tully's idea of multinational democracy as a model for a European constitutional integration.     

论欧盟宪法危机认知之理论方法

如何看待所谓的欧盟宪法危机,在很大程度上是一种理论分析形态选择的问题。分析欧盟这一政治体系或者政治体的各种理论,其共同之处在于解释欧盟现象因何而生又如何发展的问题。欧盟宪政的发展过程实际上就是欧盟法律人格丰富与健全的过程。分析欧盟法律人格的构成因素以及各个因素之间的逻辑联系,既能解释欧盟宪政的历史演进,又能分析目前欧盟宪法危机的症结所在。欧盟法律人格构成因素的丰富与强健,既是欧盟宪政发展的动力之一,同时也给欧盟宪政发展带来了挑战,无论是保持欧盟发展的动力还是避免欧盟宪政发展所遇到的挑战,都依赖于欧盟法律人格构成的三个因素———规制性支柱、规范性支柱与认知性支柱———之间的平衡。     

Balancing Fundamental Rights and Common Market Freedoms in Union Law: Schmidberger and Omega in the Light of the European Constitution

Abstract:  This article deals with how the Court of Justice balances fundamental rights protection and Common Market freedoms. From the particular perspective of the Charter and the ECHR, whose legal status will be upgraded upon entry into force of the European Constitution, it studies the Court of Justice's approach to fundamental rights invocations by Member States in the context of Common Market freedoms. For this purpose the judgments in Schmidberger and Omega will be discussed both in the current setting and that envisioned by the European Constitution. It will emerge that the Court of Justice's reasoning in Schmidberger and Omega can be criticised on different levels, and alternative approaches are proposed. At a later stage some further elements for refining the methodology for assessing Member States' fundamental rights invocations are addressed with a view to facilitating the Court of Justice more satisfactorily to take account of the current and likely future setting of fundamental rights protection in Union law.     

The European Constitution: A Semiotics Analysis of Ideology, Identity and Global Commun in Present-Day Europe

This paper proposes an analysis of the European Constitution from the perspective of its conditions of possibility. The focus is on the conditions that subtend the European constitution, the conditions, the premises that make the European Constitution possible. In the present context of discourse “possibility” is understood in the sense of Kantian critique. But here critique is based on Reasonableness rather than on Reason—in fact a thesis orienting this essay is that the human being to survive and to survive well must quickly change from a rational animal into a reasonable animal. Is the European constitution possible? Where must we search for the necessary conditions that support the European constitution (1) in common historical and cultural traditions, in common practices, in common social behaviours or (2) merely in a shared decision, an accord, a contract, a convention? There exists a third possibility: the idea that Europe has no future without a European constitution founded on awareness that all European Nations participate in a common destiny, which in the era of globalization is the destiny the whole world, indeed of life over the whole planet. Such participation must be based on the logic of otherness and reasonableness of which the human being alone as a semiotic animal is capable. As a semiotic animal, that is, an animal capable of metasemiosis, reflection and critical consciousness, the human being is responsible for all of life over the planet.     

European Democracy, the 'Permissive Consensus' and the Collapse of the EU Constitution

Abstract:  The draft Constitution was an attempt to democratise the EU, while taking account of the problematic social preconditions for democracy at the Union level. Its failure demonstrates the need to pay greater attention to the nature of public support for the EU, and to the ways in which this support is related to the democratic quality of EU institutions. Contrary to what is often assumed, EU support can still be quite adequately described by the figure of a 'permissive consensus'. For better or worse, attempts to democratise EU institutions might undermine this form of support.     

Difference as a Potential for European Constitution Making

Abstract:  This article examines the hypothesis that the impact of difference of ideas and interests on European constitution making can, under certain conditions, be a positive potential for legitimate and effective constitution making. The prerequisite conditions include actors that take differences seriously, structures of constitution making that are suitable for recognising differences, and processes of constitution making in which actors deal with differences in a democratic and communicative way. The analytical approach will be applied to the European Convention. Two case studies concerning the Convention's work will be examined: the process of decision-making that led to the protocol on national parliaments and the decision-making process concerning a permanent president of the European Council. Both case studies give evidence that the way in which members of the Convention were dealing with difference influenced the degree to which the positive potential of difference was activated for a legitimate and effective European constitutional treaty.