WTO与国际金融组织关系的协调与发展

世界贸易组织(WTO)与国际金融组织(IMF和世界银行)之间在重叠的权限方面的协调与合作是维护世界经济健康平稳发展的基本要求。由于国内政策能够对贸易产生巨大和快速的影响,全球性的政策管理变得越来越重要,这要求WTO这个管理多边贸易体制的机构必须加强与国际金融机构的合作,共同维护国际经济秩序的稳定发展。为此,本文探讨了WTO与国际金融组织关系的协调与发展问题。     

中国在国际气候谈判中面临的新挑战及其应对

德班平台建立后,国际气候谈判由“双轨制”变为单轨,发达国家和发展中国家自此将在一个共同的平台上就未来国际气候机制展开谈判,过去相对稳定的国际气候谈判格局发生演变.在这种情况下,中国面临着发展中国家身份的集体认同的变化,以及中国所一贯坚持的“共同但有区别的责任”原则的重新解读,这些变化将给中国的身份定位及国家利益带来影响.因此,中国一方面要把握在未来国际气候机制制定中的话语权,积极参与全球气候治理体系的改革与建构,使其适应中国国内中长期发展目标;另一方面也要承担相应的减排责任,做负责任的大国,为全球气候治理贡献力量.     

论“国际行政”类型界分

国际行政法概念的前提是所谓“国际行政”的存在.通过对全球治理中不同类型的规制主体进行理论界分可以对国际行政做出适当的阐释,划分的标准为主体的固有特征及其权力行使方式,在这个基础上把国际行政划分为国际组织的内部行政、正式的政府间国际组织的行政、私人机制国际组织的行政、公私混合型国际组织之行政、基于国内官员之间合作安排的跨国网络实施的行政、一国国内当局实施的涉外行政等六种.事实上每一种形态都包含众多的跨国规制机构,这只是选取其中最为典型的跨国规制机构重点进行阐述.当然,这种界分是一种为便于研究的相对理想化的做法,在实践中,许多形态的规制机构界限并不是非常清晰,或者是相互重合的.这仅仅是试图对国际行政法所调整的行政关系类型化的一种尝试性的概括.     

试论非政府组织在国际环境法中的作用

非政府组织作为政府和企业以外的社会组织的第三种形式之一,在当前人类社会活动的不同领域正发挥着日益重要的作用。随着全球化不断向纵深发展,世界相互依赖的程度日益加深,我们享受着全球化带来的好处的同时,也面临着全球化环境问题的困扰。在传统的以强制力为基础的国家权威无力解决这一棘手问题时,非政府组织的作用渐趋突出,他们是国际环境法的参与者、监督者和促进者,是国际环保事业的重要组织者和参加者。     

全球化背景下国际法律制度的互动分析

随着全球化的迅猛发展,国际法律制度与国际组织的数量剧增,不同领域的议题交叉重叠,改善"全球治理"的呼吁日盛。在这种背景下,有关"制度互动"的研究命题开始进入国际关系与国际法学者的视野。考察不同的联结点,国际法律制度的互动可以分为"水平互动"与"垂直互动";"功能互动"与"政治性互动";"功利互动"、"规范互动"以及"观念互动"等。同时,国际法律制度互动的构建与维持模式分析也成为必要工作。     

国际非政府组织的国际法规制:现状、利弊及展望

国际法领域约束规制国际非政府组织的模式有四种,即全球性国际公约间接管制模式、区域性国际公约直接管制模式、国际政府组织约束管制模式及国际非政府组织自身管制模式。由于非政府组织自身国际法律地位的缺失,四种约束管制方式一方面起到了符合自身特点的积极作用,另一方面也都存在缺陷。为了更好地使国际非政府组织在国际事务中发挥作用,除充分利用现有的规制模式之外,亟需制定全球性国际公约对国际非政府组织进行约束管制。     

气候变化背景下国际投资规则的发展趋势及我国对策研究

传统国际投资条约与应对气候变化存在一些矛盾和冲突,因此应实现国际投资条约与气候变化应对条约之间的衔接,兼顾投资自由化与政府管制.要实现这一目标,最佳方式是通过改变国际投资条约以顺应应对气候变化的低碳运动,改变国际投资条约将促进和保护投资作为唯一重心的现状,并采纳环境保护等其他领域的国际法规则.近年来国际投资领域呈现可持续发展的投资政策趋势.目前一些投资保护协定范本和新签订的双边和区域性投资协定已经纳入并不断完善环境保护等有关东道国管制外资内容的条款,逐步实现投资者利益与东道国利益保护的平衡.我国对现有国际投资条约进行调整、修订以及新投资条约的谈判,应考虑国际投资条约的这一发展趋势,以顺应国际投资的可持续发展政策.     

气候变化的国际法之秩序价值初探

价值理念贯穿于法律运行的整个过程 ,并对法律运行起着相应的指导作用。气候变化的国际立法活动 ,也必然受到相关价值理念的指导。在气候变化问题日益严峻的挑战面前 ,气候变化的国际法应当执著地追求秩序价值。而要真正实现秩序价值 ,就必须及早将气候变化的国际法所向往和追求的秩序价值外化为具体的、有效的应对气候变化问题的措施、手段和行动     

全球治理时代国际贸易关系的法治

在全球化深入发展的条件下,为实现全人类共同利益和保障基本人权,在现代国际贸易关系领域,力图以世界各国普遍接受的国际贸易法律规范,在全球范围内更有效地实现其调整国际贸易关系的功能,呈现出以追求全球正义为目标的法治。无庸置疑,国际贸易关系领域的法治是全球化语境下应对全球化挑战的理性抉择。在全球化语境下可以国际贸易关系面临的诸多矛盾与冲突等方面探讨当代国际贸易关系确立法治实现全球治理的现实路径。     

Neoliberalism,Transnational Education Norms,and Education Spending in the Developing World, 1983–2004

Using the case of education, we consider how global cultural and economic forces affect national education spending policies. Our analysis includes both an historical analysis of the construction and transformation of ideas about education at the global level and a statistical assessment of the implementation of conflicting approaches to state education funding within countries. In the historical analysis, we show how the idea of free education, although institutionalized in international law, was subject to powerful challenges from international financial institutions, which advocated user fees for public services, including education. Ultimately, the principle of free education prevailed despite the financial clout behind the opposing view. Using data from poor‐ and middle‐income countries from 1983 to 2004, we also show that the presence of international nongovernmental organizations (INGOs) advocating child rights was linked to an increase in the levels of state funding for education. This suggests that embeddedness in global discourses, as evidenced by country‐specific linkages to INGOs, is critical in making governments more accountable for supporting institutionalized ideas concerning education.     

Beyond the public and private divide: remapping transnational climate governance in the 21st century

This article provides a first step towards a better theoretical and empirical knowledge of the emerging arena of transnational climate governance. The need for such a re-conceptualization emerges from the increasing relevance of non-state and transnational approaches towards climate change mitigation at a time when the intergovernmental negotiation process has to overcome substantial stalemate and the international arena becomes increasingly fragmented. Based on a brief discussion of the increasing trend towards transnationalization and functional segmentation of the global climate governance arena, we argue that a remapping of climate governance is necessary and needs to take into account different spheres of authority beyond the public and international. Hence, we provide a brief analysis of how the public/private divide has been conceptualized in Political Science and International Relations. Subsequently, we analyse the emerging transnational climate governance arena. Analytically, we distinguish between different manifestations of transnational climate governance on a continuum ranging from delegated and shared public–private authority to fully non-state and private responses to the climate problem. We suggest that our remapping exercise presented in this article can be a useful starting point for future research on the role and relevance of transnational approaches to the global climate crisis.

国内公法对国际法的影响

国际法包括私法意义上的国际法和公法意义上的国际法。近现代国际法本质上是一种私法意义上的国际法,但国际交往的日益频繁与复杂必然要求建立某种形式的等级制与集中化架构,公法意义上的国际法应运而生。作为一种后发的法律秩序,国际法受到较为成熟的国内法的影响是很自然的。在借鉴国内公法发展国际法时面临某些重要的障碍,也会产生不可忽视的风险,应该予以充分的注意。国内公法日益影响国际法的趋势对于中国的国际法理论与实践将产生重要的影响。     

The Climate Change Regime: An Enviro-Economic Problem and International Administrative Law in the Making

The climate change problem, or global warming, has gained a prominent place on the international political agenda, since the mid-1980s, when it first attracted political attention. The problem was initially perceived mainly as an environmental problem that could be resolved by technological solutions, its current perception, this essay argues, is best characterized as that of an enviro-economic problem. A perception that is exemplified by the ongoing negotiations for the development of economic mechanisms to tackle the problem. The climate change arena is a complex one, involving dichotomies between developed and developing countries, between fossil fuel producing and importing countries and between small island developing states and other states. This essay outlines the interests that play a role in the climate change negotiations and discusses the international climate change regime as contained in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and its Kyoto Protocol. It concludes that the climate change negotiations are complicated by the fact that the negotiators, in addition to developing new substantive rules for a complex problem, are involved in developing new systemic rules for the international legal system. These new systemic rules have more in common with rules of national systems of public or administrative law than with traditional rules of international law, which have many similarities with national systems of contract law.     

Expressive Logic: A New Premise in Arts Advocacy

This article traces the origins of cultural management education in Europe and explores trends in the development of educational and training programs in the field. The article then assesses the role of international organizations and networks active in the sphere of culture and education and in stimulating growth of the sector. Finally, the article outlines current EU policies that affect the way education and training or cultural management may develop in European countries.     

Will International Investment Rules Obstruct Climate Protection Policies? An Examination of the Clean Development Mechanism

Rules governing the global environment and the international economy are currently decided in separate arenas. Yet, environmental agreements can have strong economic implications, particularly with the growing use of market mechanisms. Economic liberalization rules, meanwhile, may limit the effectiveness of environmental agreements. This paper assesses the potential interaction between one important market-based environmental mechanism – the Clean Development Mechanism of the Kyoto Protocol on climate change – and the framework of international investment law.     

国际法的和平软肋——从康德的《永久和平论》说起

国际法是以维护和平与促进发展为根本价值取向的国际法律体系。实现和平的使命是国际法赖以存在的重要基础。康德的永久和平思想重视国际法的制度和组织建设,但忽视了实现和平的心理因素。深受康德永久和平思想影响的现代国际法体系也偏重于法律制度和国际组织的建设,对人类内心和平的建设重视不足。虽然一些国际法律文件和个别国际组织已经意识到了内心和平对世界和平的重要性,并做出了积极努力,但显然还是很不够的。真正的永久和平只能从人的内心开始实现。国际法应该在进一步加强和完善现有国际法制度和国际组织建设的基础上,更加重视人类内心和平的宣传和建设。这是国际法的新使命。     

Intelligence-sharing in the context of policing transnational serious and organized crime: a note on policy and practice in an Australian setting

ABSTRACT

An increasingly globalised world brings with it unprecedented complexities in international intelligence sharing. The continual integration of international markets and services, amid the ongoing disruption of digital technologies, is driving the need for greater collaboration and cooperation between countries. The flows of people, goods, ideas and information are increasing each year in tandem with the global reach of terrorism. Global reliance on the internet for commerce and communication also exposes countries and organizations to cyber-attack. Significant increases in borderless crime, the rising incidence of global political fragility, and shifts in multi-jurisdictional crime all compel law enforcement, intelligence and security agencies to continually re-evaluate existing approaches and policies. The ability of police to attack transnational organized crime at its source, or at a transit point that offers opportunities for effective disruption, is now more important than ever. This essay describes a study conducted by the Australian Strategic Policy Institute that identified a number of crucial issues with Australia’s criminal intelligence efforts offshore. It explains why it is important to foster a culture of offshore criminal intelligence, looks at challenges associated with the current system, and suggests ways to overcome those challenges. The research confirms that Australia’s efforts to collect and disseminate criminal intelligence, as distinct from routine international liaison, is ripe for improvement.     

The role of the Asia Pacific Partnership in discursive contestation of the international climate regime

After withdrawing from the Kyoto Protocol, the US Bush Administration and the Australian Howard Government pursued an international climate change policy focussed on voluntary international agreements outside the UN climate negotiations. This strategy included the formation of several climate agreements directed at technology development, including the 2005 Asia Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate (APP). The APP provides a model for international climate change policy directed at voluntary national greenhouse gas intensity targets, technology development through sectoral public–private partnerships and technology diffusion through trade. This article situates the APP within these US and Australian inspired climate agreements formed outside the UN negotiations. Bäckstrand and Lövbrand’s (in M. Pettenger (ed.) The social construction of climate change: power knowledge norms discourses, 2007) discourse analysis in relation to the international climate negotiations is used to explore differences between the APP and UN climate treaties. We find the APP embodies a discourse of what we call ‘deregulatory ecological modernisation’ that promotes limited public funding to ease informational failures in markets for cleaner technologies and management practices. The deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse is a deeply intensive market liberal approach to international climate change policy, which contests binding emission reduction targets and the development of a global carbon market. The USA, Australia, Japan and Canada represented a core group of countries that used the APP to promote the deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse and thereby contest any deepening of developed nations' emission reduction targets for the post-2012 period. However, with changes of leadership and new parties in power in the USA and Australia, it appears that the deregulatory ecological modernisation discourse has lost ground compared to a reengagement with discourses supportive of developed country emission reduction targets and equity-based adaptation and technology transfer assistance for developing nations.     

Global Environment Threats and a Divided Northern Community

The EU, Japan, and the US now share many environmental norms, laws, and institutions and cooperate on international environmental matters through numerous bilateral and multilateral channels. They disagree, however, on how to deal with some of the most serious issues facing the global environment and the quality of human life including wide-scale biodiversity loss, climate change, the use of genetically modified (GM) organisms; the trans-boundary movement of hazardous wastes, and chemical safety. As these are all issues that require the involvement of developing countries if global environmental protection efforts are to be effective, the discord that exists among the Northern states is of tremendous significance. The US has pulled out of the Kyoto Protocol arguing that the treaty is poorly designed and would be detrimental to the US economy. Japan and the EU have had to try to find a way to bring the treaty into force without the participation of the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases and to convince participating countries to meet their targets even though this may put them at a competitive disadvantage. In the case of biodiversity loss, although the US initiated international negotiations on biodiversity preservation, it has refused to join the EU and Japan in ratifying the Convention on Biological Diversity. There are also differences between the US, on the one side, and Japan and the EU on the other, regarding the use of GM organisms. This article analyses the reasons for the differences that have emerged among northern states in their international environmental policy positions and what the implications of this northern policy divide are for the effectiveness and legitimacy of international environmental protection efforts.     

气候变化损害的国家责任:虚幻或现实

人类活动导致的气候变化是当前全球生态系统和人类生存所面临的最大威胁之一。受历史积累因素的影响,无论各国如何控制、削减温室气体排放,气候变化造成的损害仍不可避免,而气候变化损害的国家责任也日益成为国际社会无法回避的现实问题。作为一种特殊的跨界损害,气候变化损害无论在国际不法行为的认定还是因果关系的确定方面,都对现行国家责任制度提出了挑战。由于诸多障碍的存在,追究气候变化损害的国家责任在目前尚不具备充分的现实可行性。不过,来自国家责任的潜在压力至少有助于敦促各国积极改善温室气体排放政策,并就气候变化损害的救济尽快制定切实有效的全球性解决方案。