Forms of Authority Beyond the Neoliberal State: Sovereignty,Politics and Aesthetics

Critical legal scholarship has recently turned to consider the form, mode and role of law in neoliberal governance. A central theme guiding much of this literature is the importance of understanding neoliberalism as not only a political or economic phenomenon, but also an inherently juridical one. This article builds on these conceptualisations of neoliberalism in turning to explore the wider historical, cultural and sociological contexts which inform the production of neoliberal authority. The papers in this collection were first presented at the symposium ‘Forms of authority beyond the neoliberal state’, held at the Griffith Law School in December 2017. They consider the role of the corporation, the site of the university, the politics of debt, the genre of prestige television, and the archic sources of state violence, in order to imagine forms of authority which lie beyond neoliberalism as an ideology and a set of practices, and the ensemble of institutions which constitute the neoliberal state. The contributions draw on social theory, philosophy, cultural studies, legal geography and political theology in exploring new possibilities for cultivating judgement through and beyond the sovereign, political and aesthetic terrains of neoliberal governance.     

Food Fraud and the Partnership for a ‘Healthier’ America: A Case Study in State-Corporate Crime

At a moment of heightened public concern over food-related health issues, major corporations in the food industry have found their products and practices under scrutiny. Needing to be understood as socially responsible, these corporations have established partnerships with the state to construct a positive, proactive, and cooperative public image. One major public–private partnership that evolved from former First Lady Michelle Obama’s Let’s Move initiative—the Partnership for a Healthier America—serves as a case study in this paper, which analyzes the consequences and social harms perpetuated by a public health campaign bound by the imperative to maximize profit. By using trusted state actors to deliver accurate but deceptive claims about food companies’ commitment to public health, this public–private partnership actively misleads the public and potentially exacerbates public health challenges, warranting a skeptical revision of how we understand corporate social responsibility and neoliberal governance on issues of health and nutrition. As a form of fraud, these attempts to mislead the public go beyond the actions of public sector individuals or members of corporate boards, but are structurally incentivized by the legal rights, regulatory privileges, and profit-related incentives central to the modern corporate form. While conventional criminological research tends to underemphasize state and corporate harms, we make use of a critical criminological perspective to analyze state-corporate partnerships in the space between food industry practices and public health policy.     

COVID,crisis, and unordinary order: A critical analysis of Australia’s JobKeeper wage subsidy scheme as an exceptional measure

Carl Schmitt’s famous articulation of the relation between sovereignty and the exception emphasises not simply the basis for a suspension of the law in a state of emergency, but the role of the sovereign in deciding upon the existence of the ‘normal situation’, the ‘everyday frame of life’ which the law requires to function. Our pandemic times have included extreme biopolitical measures deployed to manage the health crisis, but also unprecedented political responses to regularise or stabilise the economic order. One example is Australia’s historic JobKeeper wage subsidy scheme. As law, it was given life by an executive power predicated on nationhood and enlivened by crisis. As policy, it was intended to help businesses retain workers through targeted, proportionate support. In reality, it also provided significant protections and even windfalls to corporations and their investors, leading to critiques of the scheme as corporate welfare. However, rather than highlighting deficiencies of the JobKeeper programme, these outcomes underscore its ultimate function. This article analyses the relationship between norm, exception, and order in the context of Australia’s flagship economic-policy response to the pandemic. First, by analysing the mutually constitutive relationship between norm and exception, employing the theories of Carl Schmitt and Giorgio Agamben. Second, by critically examining the legislative basis for JobKeeper, its political narrative and practical outcomes. Third, by demonstrating that the scheme, though an extraordinary departure from policy, can be understood as fundamentally a different and exceptional method to secure and reproduce our neoliberal corporate order in a state of exception.

     

The Firm and Common Pool Resource Theory: Understanding the Rise of Benefit Corporations

In September 2015, the crowdfunding site Kickstarter announced that it would adopt a new corporate form, that of a benefit corporation. Kickstarter is far from alone in this decision; in fact, it joined a growing list of tech firms that are moving toward adopting a benefit corporation designation. The result of the legal movement is that corporate governance across the nation may be changing, impacting everything from business ethics training to board decision making, with potentially wide‐ranging implications for the economy, environment, and civil society. Despite its growing popularity, though, the rationale behind the emergence of benefit corporations is an understudied question. In this article, we argue that benefit incorporation affects the very nature of the corporation by creating corporate common pool resources (CPRs) and that the CPR theory provides a way to understand the puzzle and future of the movement. This approach is important because it resituates the conversation, from a narrow view of the effect of the legislation on traditional corporate concepts to a broader view of the impact of the legislation. Furthermore, we consider the benefit corporation through the lens of Professor Elinor Ostrom's design principles, offering a unique perspective through which to analyze if the designs of state statutes and implementation by business entities meet criteria that would predict successful governance of the benefit corporation CPR.     

The Responsibility Gap in Corporate Crime

In many cases of criminality within large corporations, senior management does not commit the operative offense—or conspire or assist in it—but nonetheless bears serious responsibility for the crime. That responsibility can derive from, among other things, management’s role in cultivating corporate culture, in failing to police effectively within the firm, and in accepting lavish compensation for taking the firm’s reins. Criminal law does not include any doctrinal means for transposing that form of responsibility into punishment. Arguments for expanding doctrine—including broadening of the presently narrow “responsible corporate officer” doctrine—so as to authorize such punishment do not fare well under the justificatory demands of criminal law theory. The principal obstacle to such arguments is the large industrial corporation itself, which necessarily entails kinds and degrees of delegation and risk-taking that do not fit well with settled concepts about mens rea and omission liability. Even the most egregious and harmful management failures must be addressed through design and regulation of the corporation rather than imposition of individual criminal liability.     

建立我国公司法人人格否认制度的法理透视与思考

在我国 ,市场经济确立不久 ,公司立法制度也起步较晚 ,我国正式立法中几乎没有形成公司法人人格否认的理念。但是随着我国现代市场经济的快速发展 ,我国经济生活中已经出现了一些带有普遍意义上的公司法人人格和有限责任的滥用 ,损害公司债权人以及社会公众利益的情况。因此 ,通过对外国公司法人人格否认制度的理性分析与研究以及对我国现在有些公司成员滥用公司法人人格侵害公司债权人和社会公众利益的实证考察 ,提出如何确立我国的公司法人人格否认制度来完善我国的公司法律制度。     

论萨维尼法人代理说的政治旨趣和知识谱系

代理说将法人团体视为一个需要他人监护的法律残废,法人代表者是法人的监护人,代表者的人格与法人人格相互独立、相互平行,代表者直接承担国家法上的侵权和刑事责任,法人的终极监护权掌握在国家手中。从私法角度论,代理说的真正基础是法定代理。从政治旨趣上说,萨维尼的代理说建立于其对社团自治的悲观和拒斥态度之上,是其全能国家观念的体现,是当时德国诸侯割据政治的曲折反映。就知识谱系而言,代理说与当时流行的政治观念息息相通,它们的灵感来源都是罗马家父制。     

Citizenship and the Corporation

This article investigates the contribution made by the concept of citizenship to contemporary understandings of the widely held business corporation. Because the conventional economic understanding of corporations and corporate law cannot fully explain the nature of the business corporation and the purposes of corporate law, the framework within which teachers and students of corporate law approach the corporation must be enlarged. By looking at the corporation exclusively through the lens of economics we are unable to account for all features of the corporation and corporate law, and we risk mistaking the purpose of these features, or wrongly supposing that they serve no purpose. The article proposes that through resort to a distinct set of conceptual tools—the concept of citizenship, borrowed from political theory—we can attain a fuller comprehension of the meaning of the corporation.     

Governing Globalization? The State,Law, and Structural Change in Corporate Governance

Current analysis of the 'globalization' of the activity of capitalist corporations tends to argue that the legal institutional frameworks of the nation state are of little importance in determining the governance of those corporations, and that the regulation of those corporations therefore is impossible. This view simply ignores the role that those frameworks do in fact play. In this paper, various styles of corporate governance are analysed in terms of the influence of the company law, financial market regulation, and employment law promulgated by nations or nation state groupings. Rather than the globalization of corporate governance reflecting the unimportance of the nation state, it reflects a change in the style of regulation.     

The downsizing of America: A neglected dimension of the white collar crime problem

Downsizing has emerged as one of the noteworthy economic trends of the 1990's. This paper offers a preliminary exploration of the implications of corporate downsizing (real or perceived) for white collar crime. The following are among the issues considered: Can downsizing be defined, in a meaningful sense, as a crime against stakeholders (for the benefit of shareholders)? Is downsizing an alternative to the commission of illegal acts by corporations seeking to maximize profit and minimize loss, or an adjunct to such crime? Is the prospect of downsizing likely to inspire greater or lesser willingness on the part of corporate middle managers to engage in illegal acts on behalf of the corporation? Are motivations to commit crime against corporate employers — and opportunities to do so — intensified (or diminished) as a consequence of the prospect of downsizing? Does downsizing promote higher levels of engagement in white collar crime among corporate middle managers compelled to accept white collar jobs paying far less than positions lost due to downsizing? Finally, does downsizing and its prospect contribute to a broader social and cultural environment conducive to more white collar crime?     

Responsibility Beyond Borders: State Responsibility for Extraterritorial Violations by Corporations of International Human Rights Law

States routinely provide support and assistance to their corporate nationals in their global trade and investment ventures. While states may not intend to allow corporate nationals to violate human rights in their extraterritorial operations, by their actions or omissions, states may facilitate, or otherwise contribute to, a situation in which such violations by a corporation occur. This article investigates the extent to which the extraterritorial activities of transnational corporations (TNCs) that violate international human rights law can give rise to home state responsibility. The analysis shows that home states of TNCs have obligations under international law in certain situations to regulate the extraterritorial activities of corporate nationals or the latter's foreign subsidiaries and can incur international responsibility where they fail to do so.     

论公司有限责任制度

公司有限责任制度的核心是公司责任与公司成员责任的分离,股东作为投资者无须对公司的债务承担除了其投资之外的进一步的责任。该制度的建立与发展对调动潜在投资者投资的积极性、发展规模经济、促进公司法律制度完善等方面功不可没。有限责任制度有其客观存在的价值,但并非十全十美,这主要表现在该制度被不当利用而对债权人和其它利益相关者造成的损害,实践中各国多采用有限责任制度例外适用来补救该制度之不足。由于历史原因,我国公司有限责任制度的设立和实施存在诸多问题,必须采取必要的措施完善我国的有限责任制度。     

一人公司“法人格滥用推定”制度的法理评析——兼论公司立法的价值抉择

我国《公司法》第64条规定的一人公司"法人格滥用推定"制度,与"公司法人格否认"制度有着质的差别。对一人公司实行"法人格滥用推定",实质上是自始就没把一人公司当"公司"。这不仅在逻辑上自相矛盾,而且在法律上有违平等原则,并有可能打击人们创设一人公司的热情,从而使"一人公司"仅仅停留于纸面而失去实际意义。为追求自由、效率、公平、安全等价值目标,我国《公司法》应当取消专门针对一人公司的"法人格滥用推定"制度,转而对包括一人公司在内的各种类型的公司统一适用"公司法人格否认"制度。     

Counterfeiting as corporate externality: intellectual property crime and global insecurity

Corporate negative externalities occur when corporations place some of the costs of their profit-seeking activity onto society. This paper suggests that the current global problem of intellectual property crime is such an externality, and that it has not been recognised as such because corporations present product counterfeiting and piracy as crimes which reduce their revenue, rather than as predictable side effects of corporate production and merchandising, including branding activity, which have considerable socially deleterious consequences. It is argued that corporate actors are responsible for the socially harmful effects of the global counterfeiting problem in the following respects. Branding, advertising, and other corporate activities drive the market for goods which have a fashion value over and above their use value. While corporations ‘create’ this desire, they cannot prevent it being applied to the desire for fake or replica goods. Outsourcing of corporate production activities to developing countries to take advantage of cheap manufacturing and labour costs presents considerable opportunities to producers in those countries to copy and distribute the goods in an unauthorised way. Serious measures are not taken against product counterfeiters by rights-holding corporations, since market expediency dictates that the costs of counterfeiting are not so adverse to corporations to incentivise them to change their business methods. Counterfeit and pirated goods cause a range of social harms above and beyond the spuriously-costed financial damage corporate rights-holders suggest they suffer - these include the health and safety issues created by some fake goods, and the creation and maintenance of highly profitable organised crime activity in international markets for fake goods.     

论上市公司反收购措施中的法律规制

随着我国经济的不断发展,上市公司收购变得越来越活跃,与之相对的,就是目标公司的反收购。目标公司管理层为维持自己对公司的控制权,往往会采取反收购行为防止或挫败收购。这将不可避免地导致目标公司内部权力结构的重新配置和各方利益的冲突与再分配,由此引出一系列的法律问题。本文仅就目标公司反收购措施规制的法律问题做一探讨,为我国的立法提出相关的建议。     

企业集团与少数股东保护研究

传统公司法是建立在公司之间彼此独立、互不参股的基础上的。在企业集团与关联企业日益增多的今天,各国公司法都实现了从只调整单一公司到以调整单个公司为主,以调整关联企业与企业集团为辅的立法思想转变。从少数股东保护角度验证中国公司法增加对关联企业与企业集团的规定的必要性。     

State Power,the Politics of Debt and Confronting Neoliberal Authoritarianism

As an intellectual, economic, political and legal project, neoliberalism is not directed towards the rolling back of the state as an aim in itself. While its deregulatory tendencies, its commodification of public services and the undermining of systems of social welfare superficially suggest a generalised reduction in state power, it has been clear from the early 1980s that one of neoliberalism’s primary concerns has been the authoritarian reshaping of state power to engineer particular social outcomes, whether in criminal justice, the disciplining of organised labour, the militarisation of national territory and migration, or the extension and deepening of regimes of austerity. This article introduces the recent work of Maurizio Lazzarato, who has argued that the asymmetrical creditor-debtor relationship is now the archetype of contemporary, neoliberal social relations. Ultimately, Lazzarato’s perspective tends to exaggerate the totalising powers of finance capital and leads him to endorse a form of political voluntarism, which fails to address the role of the neoliberal state as a site for forms of authoritarianism which are not solely generated by the debt relation. As a response, it will be suggested that aspects of Nicos Poulantzas’s concept of ‘authoritarian statism’ can be used to both strengthen our understanding of the authoritarian characteristics of the neoliberal state, and to imagine possibilities for resisting its expressions of power.     

Legal Professionals and Development Strategies: Corporate Lawyers and the Construction of the Telecoms Sector in Brazil (1980s–2010s)

This study explores the role of corporate lawyers in the construction and operation of a key area of the Brazilian economy over a thirty‐year period. It looks at three periods in the history of the Brazilian telecoms sector: the fall of state monopoly; global restructuring, neoliberalism, and privatization; and the recent resurgence of state activism. In the first two periods, lawyers worked to facilitate privatization and to create a lightly regulated market for telecoms services that attracted foreign capital. Things changed, however, when the industry was faced with new industrial and social policies. In this period, lawyers oscillated between resisting government intrusion and negotiating engagement with regulators. This sequence of events encompasses changes in the field of state power, hierarchies in the legal profession, and core‐periphery relations, which invite new syntheses of existing theoretical traditions about law, lawyers, and capitalist development in emerging economies.     

Theological-Political Ruins: Walter Benjamin, Sovereignty, and the Politics of Skeletal Eschatology

Drawing on the work of Walter Benjamin, this essay argues—largely against Carl Schmitt—that political theology as a critical analytic should examine the ‘afterlife’ of theological tropes with respect to the sense of time and history that they compel. Benjamin’s The Origin of German Tragic Drama argues that sovereignty as a political concept gains prominence as a response in the wake of the erosion of the concept of salvation history in the Baroque. The consequence of this rise of sovereignty as a political key concept is a philosophy of history based on the permanently impending catastrophic end of the world. This continuously urgent situation is not only one that leaves little room for political critique and action, but also a perplexing one in its perpetuation, since the end of the world never actually arrives. To answer why political urgency can be perpetuated seemingly infinitely and why sovereigns can fail without eroding the ongoing desire for sovereignty, Benjamin’s work suggests that we must broaden our view of political theology to consider the survival of further theological concepts to include original sin as a master trope of philosophical anthropology.     

Carl Schmitt on the Secularisation of Religious Texts as a Resacralisation of Jurisprudence?

Carl Schmitt, an increasingly influential German law professor, developed a provocative and historically oriented model of “political theology” with specific relevance to legal scholarship and the authorship of constitutional texts. His “political theology” is best understood neither as an expressly theological discourse within constitutional law, nor as a uniquely legal discourse shaped by a hidden theological agenda. Instead, it addresses the possibility of the continual resurfacing of theological ideas and beliefs within legal discourses of, for instance, sovereignty, the force of law and states of emergency (or “exception”) that present themselves as relentlessly secular, even—in the case of Kelsenian jurisprudence—”scientific”. This article illustrates and then critically evaluates Schmitt’s theory in terms of the authorship of constitutional texts in particular. It includes two case studies—genocidal colonial land appropriation and Kelsenian positivism in order to illustrate aspects of his political theology. Whilst Schmitt is defended against reductionist interpretations, I show that there remains considerable unfinished business before a Schmittian approach to legal theory merits full acceptance.