论我国少数民族地区犯罪社会控制中的习惯法——以法律人类学为视角

我国复杂的民族状况决定了在我国少数民族地区实施犯罪控制的特殊性及难度，少数民族习惯法作为一种“地方性知识”应当在我国民族地区发挥预防犯罪的社会控制作用。在少数民族地区犯罪的社会控制中，民族习惯法应当成为少数民族地区和谐社会法治构建中的重要资源。     

论我国少数民族地区犯罪的社会控制——基于法律人类学视角

我国复杂的民族状况决定了对我国少数民族地区犯罪进行社会控制的特殊性及难度。本文拟从基本范畴的界定、民族习惯法与刑事制定法的互动、宗教对民族地区犯罪社会控制的影响、民族地区犯罪社会控制法律体系的构建等多个角度论述如何构建针对少数民族的犯罪社会控制法律文化体系。     

少数民族青少年犯罪预控的实践与路径选择

现有的少数民族青少年犯罪预控实践可以概括地分为少数民族青少年犯罪情境预控模式、少数民族青少年犯罪社会预控模式、少数民族青少年犯罪社区预控模式,少数民族青少年犯罪预控的实践面临道德教育困境、法制教育困境、心理预控困境、环境净化困境,少数民族青少年犯罪预控的路径为道德与法制双元平衡,生理与心理相辅相成,立体化教育集合.     

新疆少数民族青少年犯罪预控的实践与路径选择

新疆少数民族地区的繁荣稳定,对于加快我国社会主义和谐社会建设的步伐,具有重要的现实意义。为了减少少数民族青少年犯罪现象的出现,降低新疆地区整体的犯罪率,需要做好相关的预控工作。不同的预控模式对于处理少数民族青少年犯罪问题有着良好的应用效果。新疆少数民族青少年犯罪预控的路径需要从青少年心理与生理的双重教育、道德与法制的动态平衡等方面入手,为这些青少年的健康成长创造良好的环境。     

中亚宗教极端型恐怖犯罪及其预防

宗教极端型恐怖犯罪,是指带有明显宗教狂热色彩或者利用信众对宗教的虔诚而实施的恐怖犯罪活动,是宗教极端主义的现实化.宗教极端型恐怖犯罪是当今最主要的恐怖犯罪类型,在中亚地区最为猖獗.中亚五国与中国新疆的宗教极端型恐怖犯罪有本质的联系,必须进行整体的研究.本文论述了宗教极端型恐怖犯罪的概念、特征及其对社会的危害性,中亚宗教极端型恐怖犯罪的原因及预防.本文认为必须正确认识宗教极端型恐怖犯罪与正统宗教的关系,全面认识该类犯罪的本质.为了有效地预防新疆的宗教极端型恐怖犯罪,本文提出了切实有效的措施和建议,例如,正确对待宗教,实行适当的宗教政策；弘扬民族文化与教育人们正确认识宗教；普及科学知识,提高人们的文化水平和文化素养；做好未成年人保护工作；提高群众生活水平,增强抵御各种利益诱惑的抵抗力,防止被极端势力所利用,等等.     

“文化的刑法解释论”之提倡——以“赔命价”习惯法为例

持"形式的刑法解释论"易使刑事制定法与少数民族习惯法社会实践之间发生冲突;持"实质的刑法解释论"有可能将刑法没有规定为犯罪而依少数民族习惯法认为值得处罚的行为解释为犯罪,出现违反罪刑法定原则的情况。由于我国少数民族地区与汉族地区的差异主要表现为文化差异,因此,在我国少数民族地区应当提倡既吸收了"形式的刑法解释论"与"实质的刑法解释论"之优点,又能够充分照顾到民族法文化传统的"文化的刑法解释论"。     

民族自治地方刑法变通或补充立法探究

由于历史、地理、社会诸原因 ,我国少数民族地区较之汉族地区在政治、经济、文化发展上相对落后。国家制定刑法典只能从全国经济和文化发展的一般水平和大多数人口中犯罪的基本状况出发 ,而不可能具体反映各少数民族地区的犯罪特点 ,因而刑法典的某些规范不能全部适用于少数民族。鉴于此 ,法律赋予民族自治区或省的人民代表大会制定刑法变通或补充规定的特殊权限。民族自治地方制定刑法变通或补充规定 ,应当遵循法制原则、求实原则、理性原则和从宽原则。民族刑事立法 ,以一个少数民族原则上制定一部本民族统一的刑事法规为宜。     

民间法:一种少数民族地区犯罪控制的乡土力量——以云南宁蒗跑马坪乡彝族社区民间禁毒个案为样本

在传统理论中,犯罪控制是典型的国家正式力量主导的社会机制,但是这种理论构建下的犯罪控制设置并不一定能够发挥最大的效果,尤其是在少数民族聚居的乡土社区中。通过对云南宁蒗跑马坪乡彝族社区民间禁毒个案为样本进行法律人类学解读,说明国家法外的民间法资源能够并且应当成为少数民族地区犯罪控制的重要力量。     

再论我国刑法中犯罪概念的定量因素

犯罪概念由立法定性 ,司法定量 ,这是世界通例。而我国刑事立法中 ,犯罪概念既定性又定量。它是我国传统治国经验“法不责众”的现代模板 ,实际起着刑法“谦抑原则”的制度保障作用。但 2 0年来的社会实践表明 ,刑事领域一些难解的重大问题均与犯罪概念定量因素密切相关。对此予以探讨是本文的旨向所在。     

犯罪原因的主体分析

一、犯罪原因的一般理解(一 )犯罪原因和犯罪定义的原因在犯罪研究中人们对犯罪原因情有独钟 ,但要对犯罪原因下一个确切的普遍认可的定义却实非易事。这一困难不仅来自于犯罪产生的作用系统的复杂性 ,自然界、人类社会、个人因素等几乎都与犯罪有着密切的联系 ,同时还由于人们对犯罪的理解和制度的差异使得犯罪原因问题变得更加错综复杂。在犯罪的专业化研究中是如此 ,在犯罪的一般性社会理解中也是如此。鲁迅先生《而已集》中的“可恶罪”一文 ,对犯罪原因特别是犯罪定义原因的揭示很有见地 ,精辟而脍炙人口 ,颇值引述 :这是一种新的“世…     

Threat,emboldenment, or both? The effects of political power on violent hate crimes*

How do expressions of support or opposition by the U.S. federal government, influence violent hate crimes against specific racial and ethnic minorities? In this article, we test two hypotheses derived from Blalock's (1967) conceptualization of intergroup power contests. The political threat hypothesis predicts that positive government attention toward specific groups would lead to more hateful violence directed against them. The emboldenment hypothesis predicts that negative government attention toward specific groups would also lead to more hateful violence directed against them. Using combined data on U.S. government actions and federal hate crime statistics from 1992 through 2012, vector autoregression models provide support for both hypotheses, depending on the protected group involved. We conclude that during this period, African Americans were more vulnerable to hate crimes motivated by political threat, and Latinx persons were more vulnerable to hate crimes motivated by emboldenment.     

Hate Thy Neighbor: Lessons for Neighborhood Integration for the Post‐Obama Era and Beyond

This essay explores contemporary racial harassment, hate crimes, and violence targeted at African Americans and other racial minorities who have moved to white neighborhoods in the 1990s and 2000s, as described in my book Hate Thy Neighbor: Move In Violence and the Persistence of Segregation in American Housing. The essay details the experiences of blacks, Latinos, and Asian Americans who face race‐based hate crimes upon integrating white neighborhoods. This violence is not limited to a specific geographic area of the United States, and is an important factor in continuing patterns of racial segregation. Social segregation and the failure of existing law to address this violence are important factors in its survival. Analyzing the roots and causes of such violence, the essay calls for greater attention to the enforcement of legal remedies designed to address neighborhood hate crime.     

Canteen Banter or Racism: is there a Relationship between Oslo Police's Use of Derogatory Terms and their Attitudes and Conduct towards Ethnic Minorities?

This paper explores the possible connection between the Oslo police's use of derogatory terms about the ethnic minority population, and actual police attitudes and conduct. The article's background is a research project focusing on the relationship between the police and Oslo's ethnic minorities. Qualitative methods were applied, including observations amongst rank‐and‐file officers in three police stations, interviews with 20 police officers of different rank and gender, as well as interviews with three samples of basically ethnic minority men. The background for the police's use of derogatory terms about the ethnic minority population is discussed, and possible institutional support is explored. The canteen language and attitudes towards ethnic minorities are seen in relationship to police experiences with them. Incidents observed during the field‐work are applied in the discussion of whether the police conduct may be influenced by their language and thus lead to unjustifiable targeting of ethnic minorities for stop and search. The observations of police conduct are perceived in the light of ethnic minority informants' police experiences. Although a direct connection between derogatory terms and actual conduct was not confirmed through the observations, the ethnic minority informant interviews suggest that such a connection may not be discarded and such language must therefore be avoided as it may increase the social distance between the police and ethnic minorities.     

Perceptions of the criminal justice system by minority and majority group university students: The role of ethnic identity

Minorities are overrepresented in the criminal justice system, and prior research has indicated ethnic minorities and Whites have different opinions of and different experiences within the system. While differences have been shown, the influence of ethnic identity on perceptions of the legal system has been overlooked. The purpose of the present research was to determine if there were differences in perceptions of the legal system by ethnic identity levels for ethnic minorities and Whites. Results indicated differences do exist and ethnic identity is a crucial issue in understanding resonance with the legal system. Future directions for incorporating ethnic identity in research on the criminal justice system are discussed.     

Hate crimes on campus: racial/ethnic diversity and campus safety

Colleges and universities across the US have prioritized minority enrollments in their recruitment strategies, but theories offer to possible outcomes of increasing diversity on campus-increased racial harmony or increased racial tension. This study examines the impact of racial diversity on the reported number of hate crimes that occur on campus. Findings suggest that those schools that are most successful in recruiting the hardest to recruit minorities (Black and Latino students) report fewer hate crimes on campus. Implications for campus climate and racial dynamics on campus, as well as future research, are discussed.     

云南边疆民族地区毒品犯罪透视

云南边疆民族地区毒品犯罪猖獗，农民（包括少数民族）是贩毒的高发群体。这除了跟特殊的地缘位置有紧密联系之外，还与他们自身的弱势地位有关。各种能力的弱势和地理、文化的边缘性在一定程度上推动他们参与贩毒，从而在贩毒方面表现为多体能型、马仔型的特点。要想遏制毒品犯罪，就必须加强边疆地区经济的快速发展，为弱势群体赋权，加强其各方面能力建设。     

Race,ethnicity, and social change: The democratization of middle‐class crime*

Since the mid‐1970s, the percentage of non‐White people convicted of white‐collar type crimes in the federal judicial system has been growing steadily. In 2015, non‐Whites accounted for more than half of all convictions for certain white‐collar type crimes, but the increase in non‐White participation has not occurred evenly across all race and ethnic groups. Asians and Latinos have increased their participation in white‐collar crime more so than Blacks. Using data from the U.S. Sentencing Commission, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, and the U.S. Census, we investigate whether the differential increase among race and ethnic groups in white‐collar type crimes can be explained by their differential increase in middle‐class occupations. The findings have implications for opportunity, cultural, and race‐centered perspectives on crime, as well as institutional anomie theory, and they suggest that low‐level white‐collar crimes are being democratized along lines of race and ethnicity.     

满族传统神判制度的法文化分析

满族是东北地区少数民族中的重要一支,曾经在中国历史上留下过浓墨重彩的一笔。长期以来,在国家法一元论的思想下,学术界忽视了对少数民族尤其是东北地区的少数民族的法文化和法律制度的研究,从法文化学的视角对满族进行研究在我国更属空白。以法文化学的研究方法为切入点,对萨满教影响下的满族传统社会中的神判制度进行分析,探讨其独特的法律价值追求。     

统一多民族国家的宪制建构——新中国成立初期民族区域自治制度的奠基历程

对于民族区域自治制度在我国的确立,《共同纲领》的宪政宣示尽管具有最为重要的合法性确认意义,但这一基本宪政制度的真正奠基,则有赖于民族识别、民族干部培养、少数民族地方民主改革等一系列相关政治实践。这其中,少数民族地方民主改革可视为我国民族区域自治制度奠基的关键,它直接决定了新中国的民族治理制度是否坚持和贯彻了社会主义方向这一民族区域自治制度的最实质所在。同时,新中国通过将民族区域自治制度作为我国民族治理的基本宪政制度,也实现了清末以来多民族大国的民族—国家建构的真正飞跃。     

How Race,Sex, and Age Frame the Use of Authority by Local Government Officials

Thanks to the civil rights movement, women and racial and ethnic minorities increasingly hold positions of public authority—but they experience and exercise this authority differently from white men. Based on 162 narratives collected from 49 US local government officials (city administrators and police), I find that women, minorities, and younger officials in positions of authority face a paradox of rules. Because they have lower social status with the public and within their organizations, they must rely on formal and explicit rules as a key basis for their authority, but such reliance causes their very authority to be questioned. Social status based on implicit assumptions about social identities, including race or ethnicity, sex, and age, originates outside of organizations and has effects society wide. This study shows that social status continues to permeate US local government organizations in both subtle and explicit ways, even in bureaucratic settings that are formally committed to merit and professional norms.