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1.
"伊斯兰国"的兴起标志着恐怖主义浪潮与吉哈德运动进入了新的发展阶段,而这是根植于中东地区深层的宗教、政治和社会因素。同时,"伊斯兰国"自身的组织建设、经济管理和民众动员也发挥了重要作用。"伊斯兰国"的兴起产生了重要的国际影响,它不仅与"基地"组织争夺全球"圣战"的主导权,而且对外输出暴力恐怖和意识形态,导致国际冲突与地区动荡,挑战传统观念和国际规范,加速了中东地缘政治关系的重塑与国际反恐力量的分化和重组。此外,"伊斯兰国"的兴起还推动着国际体系边缘群体的宗教化、集体化实践,造成了对国际秩序的冲击和挑战。为此,国际社会需要认识到"伊斯兰国"背后的恐怖主义运动与重建哈里发国家政治实践的双重属性,关注其背后的滋生土壤,以求更加妥善有效的应对之策。  相似文献   

2.
泛伊斯兰主义也被称为“原型民族主义”或“大民族主义”,它是行为主体针对穆斯林群体进行宣传动员,试图通过促成“伊斯兰联合”以实现特定政治目标的主张和实践,其标志性特征是:使用伊斯兰符号、谋求政治目标和实施跨国行动。泛伊斯兰主义的行为主体可能是非穆斯林,其实践和理论主张也是多元的,纳米克·凯末尔、哲马鲁丁·阿富汗尼和部分伊斯兰主义者对为什么“联合”的见解各异。纳米克·凯末尔的着眼点是挽救奥斯曼帝国危机。阿富汗尼的核心关切是伊斯兰复兴和反对帝国主义。伊斯兰主义中的泛伊斯兰主义支系可称为“全球伊斯兰主义”,它对“伊斯兰秩序”有特殊解读,主张建立与“乌玛”空间重叠的、覆盖全球的哈里发国家,其中的激进极端主义派别还主张“全球圣战”。泛伊斯兰主义不是伊斯兰主义的标配,而只是部分伊斯兰主义者的偏好和选择。泛伊斯兰主义的力量来自伊斯兰教固有的感召力以及穆斯林的宗教信仰和感情,但它所倡导的“伊斯兰联合”和“穆斯林团结”主要服务于特定政治目标的手段,其“政治性”和“工具性”使它有别于伊斯兰教规定的教胞互助互爱原则。  相似文献   

3.
伊斯兰政党是 2 0世纪初尤其是二战后在西亚、北非等地区的伊斯兰国家出现的一种特殊类型的宗教政党。伊斯兰国家特殊的社会背景和文化传统促成了伊斯兰政党的产生和发展 ,它的存在又对当代许多国家尤其是伊斯兰国家的政治生活产生了多方面的冲击和影响。  相似文献   

4.
在过去30年间,西亚阿拉伯世界的政治变迁大体经历了石油繁荣与政治动荡,对民主化改革的尝试,以及穆斯林世界对全球化回应的三个阶段。自1990年代以来,西亚阿拉伯国家所进行自由化和民主化改革成效不明显,威权主义政体迄今依然居于主导地位。与此同时,伊斯兰复兴力量迅速增长,连同其中激进和极端主义一道,已经并将继续积极参与国家、地区乃至世界政治秩序的变革或塑造。西亚阿拉伯国家的政治发展道路是人类社会发展道路多样性的一个重要表现。  相似文献   

5.
近二三十年来,亚非特别是中东地区的一批宗教、教派主义势力纷纷在政治舞台上亮相,乃至上升为本国政坛的主要力量。伊朗伊斯兰共和党(现为伊斯兰联合党)、阿富汗塔利班、印度人民党、土耳其正义与发展党等曾相继登上国家最高权力宝座。以色列全国宗教党、印度尼西亚伊斯兰教师联合会、摩洛哥正义与发展党、马来西亚伊斯兰教党等有的曾经甚至依然是本国政坛的重要力量。尤其是近期埃及穆斯林兄弟会、黎巴嫩真主党、巴勒斯坦哈马斯等一些激进的宗教政治组织呈现向合法化、政党化转型势头,更多地参与国家政治生活,并一度在议会选举中异军突起,2006年哈马斯还一举夺得执政权,成为当今世界政党政治演进中的一道独特风景。这种现象的出现与存在,有着深刻的国内、国际背景,对相关国家的社会政治生活,对地区形势乃至国际关系等都产生了重要而深远的影响,引起国际社会的广泛关注。  相似文献   

6.
本文选择伊斯兰主义、军人干政、身份政治三个典型问题,分析它们对"阿拉伯之春"的影响。首先,突尼斯和埃及的政治转型表明,伊斯兰主义与民主的关系具有不确定性,伊斯兰主义既可以支持民主,也可以反对民主。其次,军人干政在阿拉伯国家民主转型过程中的作用异常复杂,对其进行评价应客观具体。就本文选取的三个案例而言,军人干政的形式、程度和作用各不相同:在突尼斯,军队基本未干预民主转型;在埃及,军队对政治转型进行全程干预并且不断变换角色;在也门,军队部落化导致了政治转型碎片化。最后,本文研究了身份政治对阿拉伯国家民主化的复杂影响。在国家内部,身份政治是阿拉伯国家冲突性和竞争性政治的重要认同来源和社会机制。在地区范围内,广泛存在的泛民族主义、泛伊斯兰主义等政治思潮,导致地区国家基于身份政治决定外交政策甚至干涉他国事务,导致某国的民主进程被外部干预阻断。总之,阿拉伯国家的民主化进程异常复杂,不可一概而论。  相似文献   

7.
乌玛:观念与实践   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
在伊斯兰文化中,"乌玛"首先是信仰,属于观念的范畴;它同时又是经验的历史,属于实践的范畴。"乌玛"还是现代政治伊斯兰话语的核心词汇之一,政治伊斯兰运动深刻影响着人们对于乌玛的认知和想象。本文从观念和实践两个层面考察了"乌玛"的内涵及其演变过程,力图还原乌玛信仰和乌玛实践的客观历史,以便识别现代政治伊斯兰关于"乌玛"的话语。本文把乌玛观念区分为基于伊斯兰教经典文本的乌玛信仰,和基于对这些文本的重新解读或对乌玛信仰的利用而形成的乌玛话语;同时还把历史上的乌玛政治实践同现代政治伊斯兰"重建乌玛"的斗争区分开来。尽管当代政治伊斯兰运动借乌玛信仰为依据,并且宣称以先知创建麦地那乌玛为榜样,但是其乌玛话语属于政治斗争的范畴,其实践难以超越民族国家体系的制约。  相似文献   

8.
欧洲的穆斯林移民有强烈的认同焦虑问题,第二代、第三代移民更是如此。"新伊斯兰原教旨主义"是在全球化背景下伊斯兰原教旨主义的新发展,它放弃了在现代民族国家框架内实现政治正常化的策略,选择在跨国层面对伊斯兰教进行复兴,并支持以伊斯兰教法为基础,建立一个世界性的穆斯林共同体。由于欧洲社会特殊的背景,新伊斯兰原教旨主义从某种意义上契合了穆斯林移民的这种认同焦虑,因而得以在欧洲蔓延并引起种种政治后果。目前,这种原教旨主义在欧洲社会有去疆域化和再疆域化、去文化化和再伊斯兰化,以及个体化和对"圣战"重视等几个明显特征。  相似文献   

9.
伊斯兰“中间主义”是伊斯兰世界的主流思潮之一,也是一个很重要的学术思想,正确掌握这一思想对把握中东地区局势的发展十分有帮助. 当代伊斯兰“中间主义”思潮的主要内容 伊斯兰“中间主义”思想和主张包括宗教、政治、社会、经济、文化、教育等诸多方面,归纳起来主要有以下内容.  相似文献   

10.
中东非政府组织大致分为,政治伊斯兰非政府组织、世俗性非政府组织、伊斯兰慈善机构、西方化的非政府组织。非政府组织对中东民族国家的构成、加速中东政治民主化、社会世俗化和经济现代化进程,增强穆斯林国家和民间的交往和穆斯林认同以及实现社会协调发展起到了积极作用。同时,也促进了泛伊斯兰主义的民族观,削弱了国家层面上的民族自豪感,诱发了中东极端组织的产生,对中东和全球恐怖主义的发展起了促进作用。政党化、暴力化趋势的加强,也使其非政府性质的合法性受到质疑。  相似文献   

11.
The concept of human security (HS) and its accompanying agenda, 20 years after the publication of the Human Development Report (1994), are still in a state of flux. This article summarises the extent to which, based on an in-depth analysis of the original HS dimensions in the articles in this Special Issue, the HS agenda has evolved, to the extent that it has become a clearly articulated concept both in academic terms and as a guide to concrete political action for policy-makers. It is argued in this article, perhaps not surprisingly given the nature of the concept and its dimensions, that there is a great degree of variation over space, place and time in the way that it is constructed, received and appropriated. Importantly, it is suggested that personal, political and community security have all struggled to develop a shared understanding that has become a firm guide to action, whereas food security, health security, environmental security and economic security have not only become firm parts of debate and discussion, but also significant policy areas that have had considerable time, effort and money devoted to resolving. Overall, the debate on HS is still also very much in flux 20 years on, but there can be no doubt that it has had a major impact academically and in terms of political action.  相似文献   

12.
Today there is a widespread recognition of the erosion of political community on the territorial basis of the nation-state. Instead, alternative framings of "being" political or of engaging in politics have argued for a more radical post-territorial space of political possibilities, of what it means to be political, and of how we envision political community. Through focusing on the two dominant articulations of post-territorial political community, liberal cosmopolitan and radical poststructuralist approaches, this article seeks to analyze the possibilities and limitations inherent in the search for political community beyond the boundaries of the nation-state. The aspiration to engage in, construct, or recognize the existence of a post-territorial political community, a community of broader humanity, has been articulated in liberal terms as cosmopolitanism, driven by global civil society, and in poststructuralist terms as "political cosmopolitanism,""cosmopolitanism-to-come" or the "solidarity of the governed," given its force by the creativity of the resistance to liberal universalism of the "multitude." This article seeks to draw out the similarities between these two contrasting approaches, ostensibly based upon either the extension of or the critique of liberal political ontologies.  相似文献   

13.
Youth activism in the last decade has become increasingly associated with new media technologies. The “Arab Spring”, it can be argued, prompted much interest among academics, policymakers and others on the intersection between youth, activism and social media. Although oftentimes seen as threats to authoritarian states, youths have become agents of change in the eyes of international foreign policy developers who claim to be keen on progressive and inclusive governance. This paper reflects on the role of social media in the recent (2011–2013) activism of Sudanese youth, who have taken centre stage at demonstrations calling for regime change, and adopting mechanisms similar to their counterparts in the Middle East/North Africa. While political forms of activism may have been more prominent in the Arab Spring, this paper argues that social media plays a key role in both political and community engagements of contemporary urban Sudanese youth, perhaps pointing to future possibilities.  相似文献   

14.
Vita Zelče 《欧亚研究》2018,70(3):388-420
This article discusses the celebration in Latvia of the victory of the Soviet Union in World War II. Since the restoration of Latvia’s statehood, 9 May has not been an official holiday, but it has become—as ‘Victory Day’—the most important history-linked celebration for the Russian-speaking community in Latvia. The post-1991 history of ‘Victory Day’ makes it possible to track changes in: policies toward history and memory in Russia and Latvia; how political groups have used these celebrations to further their own agendas; and the organisation of events on public holidays.  相似文献   

15.
In recent decades, citizens have become more and more disenchanted with the traditional institutions of representative government, detached from political parties, and disillusioned with old forms of civic engagement and participation. This has favored a renewed interest in citizen engagement and citizen participation and a growing re-emergence in academic and political discourse of ideas and values of community, localism, and citizen participation. This article analyzes the main objectives and the actual implementation of citizen participation initiatives in the local governments of two European Continental countries, Germany and Spain. The aim is to find out the factors that affect the possible decoupling between the objectives and the “real” uses of citizen participation. Our results show that most local governments in these two countries are using citizen participation only to increase the level of perceived legitimacy or to comply minimally with legal requirements, without really taking advantage of citizen participation to enhance decision-making processes. These findings confirm that institutional theory becomes the rationale to explain the implementation of citizen participation in these two European Continental countries.  相似文献   

16.
Based upon in‐depth interviews with female councillors from Hull, England and from Montreal, Canada, this article seeks to address the motivations, expectations and experiences of female local councillors. It examines what galvanised these women into political activity, whether or not they encountered any difficulties in their quest to become a councillor and, once elected, how they operate. The key aspects identified by this research include, firstly, the obstacles faced by females in their quest to become local councillors; secondly, the benefits/necessity of having a supportive partner and, thirdly, the concept of the ‘dual calibre of councillor’, that is, the community representative and the local politico.  相似文献   

17.
This article discusses two matters that are becoming increasingly important in debates about local government: place-based leadership and public service innovation. The troubling international economic outlook means that many local authorities are focusing on ‘efficiency savings’ and the prevailing mantra in public policy circles is ‘do more with less’. This article questions this approach. It aims to contribute to what one chief executive described to us as ‘more with more’ thinking. This approach strives to release the community and business energies of a locality. If this can be achieved the total resources available to improve the local quality of life can be increased, even if state spending is shrinking. A conceptual framework for studying place-based leadership is presented. This distinguishes three, overlapping realms of leadership in any given locality – political leadership, managerial/professional leadership, and community and business leadership. It is argued that the areas of overlap between these realms can be viewed as innovation zones – spaces in which established approaches can be questioned and new trajectories developed. These zones can, however, also become conflict zones with little learning and exchange taking place. Place-based leadership can influence whether such political spaces are used to promote creative problem solving or whether they become arenas for dispute and friction between sectional perspectives. By drawing on a study of the current Digital+Green initiative in Bristol, UK, the article suggests that an imaginative approach to place-based leadership – one that accepts intelligent risk taking – offers potential for improving the local quality of life as well as strengthening local democracy.  相似文献   

18.
Theory and evidence on the diffusion and antecedents of innovation in public organizations demonstrate that organizations respond to their environment and react by being more or less innovative. However, questions about the limits of responses to organizational task environments remain unexplored: in short, what is the appropriate level of environmental capacity and when does the environment become too complex or dynamic for innovation to occur? This study examines non‐linear capacity, complexity, and dynamic environments in an archival panel of 405 English local governments using primary and secondary data from a number of sources. Findings indicate that non‐linearities effect perceived innovativeness in relation to political and social capacity, and political dynamism in an inverted U shape, and in a U shape for community capacity. The implications of these findings for the study of public service innovation are considered.  相似文献   

19.
African presence in Europe can be traced back to Roman times, yet African peoples within European spaces are continually perceived and often treated as new migrants with no sense of an historical attachment to European soil. This paper seeks to understand and challenge this conception of black migrants to Europe by focusing on the community and political activities of black subjects in European spaces. Using Britain as a primary reference point, the paper argues that the unfolding nature of black political activity in European spaces emerges as a result of dynamic interactions between black protagonists and the state. The nature of these interactions it is argued are racialized in character and that black community organizations and individuals play a crucial role in determining the forms and nature of political activity and outcomes that operate under the guise of minority ethnic mobilization. This paper argues a point that is often overlooked in the literature that focuses on African and other immigrants to Europe as recent migrants with problems. The paper uses a refined political opportunities approach and focuses on state practices and black community organizational practices between the First and Second World Wars to outline the varied nature of black community and political activity in an era of state antagonism towards black populations at home and abroad. The paper argues that context, state power and action, and the activities and ideas of black community organizations interact in dynamic ways to account for the changing nature of black political activity in European spaces.  相似文献   

20.
《Communist and Post》2014,47(3-4):375-383
This article is devoted to the problem of the reaction to the Eastern Partnership by Russia's both the political establishment and the expert community. The question of reactions to the Eastern Partnership in the target countries has been extensively posed in academic literature. However, the question of Russia's reaction to the Eastern Partnership, one of the most important actors of the region, has been rarely raised by the academic community. A wide array of factors impacted Russian elites' perception of the Eastern Partnership – from problematic issues in the EU-Russia relations to the post-Soviet states' political and economic transformation. Studying the dynamics and peculiarities of Russia's perspective on the Eastern Partnership makes it possible to draw meaningful conclusions on the nature of Russia's phobias that fuel its domestic and foreign policy.  相似文献   

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