WTO电子商务谈判与全球数字贸易规则走向

经济活动的日益数字化创造出全新的电子商务运作模式,也引发新的贸易摩擦和监管问题,因此多边治理框架的必要性和重要性日益凸显。世界贸易组织电子商务诸边谈判已经开启,但各方在经济、安全、价值文化层面存在诸多分歧,大国竞争的地缘政治因素又进一步增加了谈判的复杂性。能否取得成果,关键在于各方是否认识到WTO改革的宗旨不仅是推动贸易自由化,而且关注全球数字鸿沟这一现实。只有承认国情的多样性,厘清国家间政策协调与国内政策空间的边界,才有可能打破谈判僵局。在多边规则框架产生前,区域数字贸易规则仍会不断涌现,数字经济治理碎片化将会持续加剧,监管冲突现象也将更加频繁。为了应对这些挑战,除了努力团结发展中成员在当前诸边谈判中搁置分歧、共同抵制发达成员不公平的谈判主张外,中国还需要平衡好保障国家安全和促进跨境数据自由流动之间的关系,力争在自身具有优势的跨境电子商务领域引导建立真正公平的统一规则框架。为减少监管冲突带来的风险,加强全球层面监管合作是协调不同监管机制和凝聚共识的必然路径。     

中国—东盟深化蓝色经济伙伴关系探析

中国—东盟蓝色经济伙伴关系既是中国东盟全面战略伙伴关系的重要组成部分，也是中国建设海洋强国、推进“21世纪海上丝绸之路”倡议、参与全球海洋治理的重要内容。近年来，中国—东盟蓝色经济伙伴关系在合作规模不断扩大、合作领域不断拓展、合作机制不断完善的同时，也面临东盟内部发展参差不齐、地缘政治形势复杂、生态环境问题凸显、高端产业不足等诸多挑战。鉴此，中国与东盟应充分利用《区域全面经济伙伴关系协定》生效的契机，在海洋贸易、海洋产业投入、海洋开发规则制定、海洋环境保护等领域深化合作，助推中国—东盟蓝色经济伙伴关系不断走深走实。     

中国大陆和台湾产业内贸易研究

全球经济一体化是当今世界经济发展的主要特征，也是世界经济发展的主流，但是全球经济一体化在促进贸易自由化的同时，贸易摩擦与争端也与日俱增。区域经济一体化的发展，尤其是双边区域一体化，不仅可以使贸易摩擦尽量最小化，还可以大幅降低流通成本，实现互惠互利，共赢发展。两岸贸易近几年呈现增长态势，产业内贸易发展迅速。为了深化双方经济全面整合，两岸积极探讨协商促进经济一体化的合作方式。2010年1月，两岸经济合作框架协议第一次两会专家商谈在北京举行，     

启动中的中国与东盟经济一体化

10月22日,在我国广西举行的第二届中国-东盟博览会和中国-东盟商务与投资峰会胜利闭幕,这标志着中国在走向区域经济一体化的进程中迈出了新的步伐.自2002年11月<中国与东盟全面经济合作框架协议>签定以来,中国走向区域经济一体化的进程开始出现"迈大步、看多步"的战略转变.2004年在老挝举行的第八届东盟与中日韩领导人会议上,中国与东盟签署了<中国与东盟全面经济合作框架协议货物贸易协议>,标志着中国与东盟自由贸易区(ACFTA)进程的全面启动.     

湄公河开发:一个地区合作的模型

2001年中国与东盟一致同意在10年内建立“中国——东盟自由贸易区”,是东亚地区至今在区域合作方面的最大突破。而湄公河开发作为该合作框架中的重点领域,必将成为亚洲经济一体化的雏形,同时也符合东盟自由贸易的原则。     

东北亚区域经济合作的现状与发展趋向

随着经济全球一体化和区域集团化潮流的发展,推动东北亚区域经济合作的呼声日渐高涨。东北亚区域经济合作事关域内各国发展利益,得到各国重视。近年来,中国在区域经济合作中的地位和作用也不断强化。今年在东盟“10 3”系列峰会上,中国     

全球数字经济发展背景下的国际治理机制构建

新冠肺炎疫情暴发后,数字经济加速发展。为应对疫情冲击,各国加速提升经济的数字化水平,跨国公司的全球供应链调整与数字技术扩张相互推动,数字经济正发展成为新一轮全球化的重要驱动力量,加快世界经济的发展和融合。与此同时,数字经济的发展也使发达国家和发展中国家、世界不同区域之间发展水平的分化加速,加剧了以数字经济为基础的国际竞争,给国际经济治理带来新难题。目前,国际社会正通过WTO多边机制和区域自由贸易协定等推动构建以电子商务规则为基础的国际数字经济治理机制,但全球数字经济的深入发展要求国际社会加强多维度、多层次合作,推动国际数字经济治理机制构建,以数字经济带动各国实现包容性发展。中国作为数字经济大国,应在国际数字经济治理机制建设中发挥更加积极的引领作用,以多边、区域和双边等多种路径同时推动电子商务规则磋商,加强国家间数字经济政策协调,深化数字技术和数字基础设施的合作,与世界各国一道以发展数字经济为契机,推动世界经济快速发展。     

G20机制化与全球经济治理改革

金融危机充分暴露出了现行全球经济治理框架的缺陷,二十国集团峰会为全球合作共抗危机提供了一个重要协调平台,G20的机制化则使全球经济治理改革找到了新的起点和路径。但是,对机制化后G20的前景不宜过于乐观,因为迄今为止其仅仅是对现行全球经济治理框架的一种技术性修正。不过,G20机制化所代表的改革方向却是我们应当坚持的,即在全球经济治理框架中增加发展中国家特别是新兴大国的权重。在通过G20参与全球经济治理改革的过程中,中国既要态度积极,又要坚持改革的渐进性和在原有框架内进行的原则,谨慎看待中国的作用与责任,以妥善应对挑战。     

公共卫生合作与中国—东盟命运共同体构建

新冠肺炎疫情正在全球蔓延,不断升级的疫情对全球公共卫生安全形成重大挑战,灾难面前凸显人类命运共同体理念的时代价值。人类命运共同体理念是公共卫生合作的指导思想,公共卫生合作是构建人类命运共同体的具体实践。中国与东盟在这一理论指导下开展公共卫生合作,强化"命运与共"意识,可以推动双方命运共同体建设的进一步发展。此次共同防控新冠肺炎疫情的合作,反映显示出中国与东盟双方在公共卫生合作中存在着治理能力有待提升、资金匮乏、合作意识不强、互信不足等问题。但共克时艰的信念强化了双方对中国—东盟命运共同体的责任意识,有利于在共同抗疫中推动中国—东盟命运共同体的建设。中国与东盟双方应从加强政治互信、培育区域公共产品、建立公共卫生合作机制等方面出发,加强公共卫生合作,推动更为紧密的中国—东盟命运共同体建设。     

地区贸易制度框架的构建与中国的选择

在冷战后亚洲经济日益崛起的背景下,地区贸易制度框架的构建,成为演进中的亚洲地区秩序和地缘政治版图上的重要内容与显著特征。亚太经合组织与"APEC方式","区域全面经济伙伴关系"与"东盟方式",双边自贸协定与自贸区建设,制度竞争与制度制衡,是地区范围内国家间互动关系日益"制度化"的集中体现,也是地区秩序变化和演进的重要表征。对于中国而言,积极适应地区经济一体化和制度框架下合作的发展趋势,统筹兼顾"双边和多边机制"两条路径,主动参与构建地区性组织和机制,塑造地区贸易规则,是提升自身在地区贸易领域制度性权力的必由之路。     

Global Capitalism and the Transformation of State Socialism

The article outlines the footprint of international economic interests under state socialism, and considers in more detail the economic integration of the postcommunist countries into the world system in the post-1989 period of the building of capitalism. The focus of the article is on the extent of economic globalization of countries and their economic corporations. It is contended that the globalization of capitalist companies and the direct role of global economic forces had little importance under state socialism. Since 1989, policy in the former state socialist countries has been geared to “joining” the world system, optimistically its core. Important differences have developed between the postsocialist states with respect to economic penetration and exposure to the world market. The outcomes have not fulfilled the expectations of early advocates of transformation and entry to the world economy. Although the new member states of the European Union have entered the world economy as formal members of the “core,” they are not economically equal to the dominant “old” members of the EU. In all the postcommunist countries, there is an absence of large scale global companies, of comparable levels of innovation, research and development. Russia is a resources rich country, a “hybrid” social formation containing elements of state economic control, national capitalism, and global capitalism. I conclude that the semi periphery is not a transient category in the world economy; it has potential for persistence and renewal.     

ASEAN At 50: the global political economy’s contribution to durability

Why has the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) proved so durable as a regional organisation given the many challenges it has faced since its inception in 1967? This analysis makes use of an historical institutionalist approach. It shows how the global political economy, through the injection of aid and investment and the development of production networks and increased trade, generated a generally positive regional economic environment that encouraged cooperation. It also provided the resources for the gradual institutionalisation of ASEAN and the expansion of its reach through the establishment of associated regional organisations. The result was that these factors, in combination, contributed to ASEAN’s staying power.     

Contending eurocentric theories: the case study of Thailand's economic regionalism in ASEA

ABSTRACT

The Eurocentric theory of economic regionalism, as demonstrated by the empirical case of the European Union, has been widely recognized as the pathfinder, role model, and inspiration for other regional organizations, including ASEAN, due to its continuous attempts at deepening economic integration, formalizing the decision-making process, and legalizing the administrative body. Despite this concordant movement, it is evident from Thailand that ASEAN has evolved differently from the rationale, process, and prediction that Eurocentric theory dictates.

The purpose of this article is to argue that the economic regionalism of ASEAN has not developed in accordance with an economically-oriented rationale. Moreover, the process of economic integration has not necessarily derived from the free trade agreement itself, particularly when a country lacks continuity in terms of its development of regionalist projects. In addition, Thailand has not followed the path of economic integration due to spillover effects. This is because member countries have not given up their sovereignty in favour of the regional institution. Economic regional activities have been broadened within a limited scope, and the expansion has been conducted through bilateral talks, rather than a strengthening of regional solidarity.     

RCEP:特点、问题与前景

作为世界最大的自由贸易安排,RCEP所取得的突破不仅有利于改善区域贸易与投资环境、增强区域供应链、推动经济复苏,还为区域经济一体化、全球贸易自由化、基于规则的多边贸易体制注入了前行的动力。同时,它对中国贸易和投资的可持续发展、高水平制度型开放、实施自由贸易区提升战略、构建国内国际双循环相互促进的新发展格局也可以发挥积极作用。RCEP以市场准入、规则、合作为支柱,具有开放包容、全面、高质量、互惠等诸多特点,并突出东盟方式与东盟中心地位。RCEP的后续生效实施与适时升级,将面临成员差异性与利益诉求复杂性、外部因素牵制、既有FTA规则的多样性与整合的难度、区域身份认同与大国协调等现实问题的挑战,仍需要以渐进灵活的方式,不断推动其深化和拓展。中国应一如既往支持东盟的主导地位,推动RCEP尽快生效。既要助力东盟提升凝聚力、加强大国协调,也要加速推进中日韩FTA谈判、加快与东盟成员的FTA构建。应不断提高规则利用率,充分发挥FTA本应具有的效应,以制度型开放营造良好营商环境,持续推动区域制度性经济一体化。     

ASEAN’s governance of migrant worker rights

Temporary migrant workers in Southeast Asia are subject to various abuses in recruitment, work and repatriation. A decade ago ASEAN governments committed to developing an Instrument governing migrant worker rights, but a series of deadlocks have stymied this agreement. Prevailing accounts explain this impasse as the consequence of incompatible national interests, norms of non-interference and consensus, a lack of institutional capacity and the limits of rights advocacy in ASEAN. Conversely, utilising a political economy framework, this article demonstrates this impasse in regional governance reflects societal-level conflicts among migrant workers, civil society organisations, business groups and state-based actors, generated by the latter’s adoption of migrant labour as both a livelihood and development strategy.     

“Openness Must Be the Norm”

The other great transformation in the world besides the rising power of the emerging economies has been the ever deeper penetration of the Internet in civil society and the economy. Alone among world leaders, French President Nicolas Sarkozy has sought to address the sticky issue of how to “civilize the Internet” in the G‐8, a key forum of global governance which France chairs this year. As a kind of historical document, in this section we publish Sarkozy's speech to the leading information technologists and entrepreneurs he gathered in Paris in May for the first “e‐G‐8” Summit. Eric Schmidt, executive chairman of Google, was among the attendees. We include his report to the 21st Century Council of the Nicolas Berggruen Institute.     

The State and the Internet: A Call for Collective Responsibility

The other great transformation in the world besides the rising power of the emerging economies has been the ever deeper penetration of the Internet in civil society and the economy. Alone among world leaders, French President Nicolas Sarkozy has sought to address the sticky issue of how to “civilize the Internet” in the G‐8, a key forum of global governance which France chairs this year. As a kind of historical document, in this section we publish Sarkozy's speech to the leading information technologists and entrepreneurs he gathered in Paris in May for the first “e‐G‐8” Summit. Eric Schmidt, executive chairman of Google, was among the attendees. We include his report to the 21st Century Council of the Nicolas Berggruen Institute.     

'New regionalism' in Central America

Central American regionalism is in a state of disarray after having been surrounded by great enthusiasm in the early 1990s. This article explores whether a 'new regionalism' framework can improve our understanding of this turn of events. It is argued that Central American integration lacks a series of features assumed to characterise 'new regionalism'. It has not been accompanied by spontaneous societal integration, its main stimulus has come from external actors, and the goal of the process has narrowed from originally being human welfare and security in a wide sense, to primarily being integration in the global economy. This is reflected in the integrationist rhetoric, where globalisation has entered the centre stage and is presented as a threat to which regional action should respond. This change has also rendered regional agreements largely superfluous as the member states pursue policies aimed at global integration regardless of the integration process.     

Unintended consequences of state-building and the management of diversity in post-conflict Kosovo

This paper examines the adoption of a multiethnic liberal-democratic model of governance in post-independence Kosovo and the dual task of state-building to secure unity and manage diversity. This article explains why in post-conflict and post-independence Kosovo, its domestic sovereignty and legitimization have become conditioned by the integration, accommodation, and protection of its minorities. While the existing literature has mainly focused on the shortcomings deriving from the exogenous character of state-building in Kosovo, this paper aims to challenge and complement this view by drawing on the “state-in-society” approach developed by Joel Migdal, which highlights that the actual states have less coherence than their theoretical counterparts. Analysis of post-independence Kosovo reveals the legislation-implementation gap and the unintended consequences arising under the impact of endogenous factors. Overall, this article shows that multiethnic state-building in Kosovo has been crucially transformed and “limited” by local idiosyncrasies.     

拜登政府的全球气候变化领导政策与中国应对

美国的气候治理政策长期呈现周期性变化特点。围绕气候问题,拜登政府强调引领清洁能源革命和重回气候治理,重视国内清洁能源发展、气候议题科学化塑造、气候治理多边主义,希望在继承奥巴马政府时期气候政策的基础上,全面提升美国的气候治理领导力。在国内,拜登政府欲依托科技创新、刺激需求、投资基础设施等措施使清洁能源融入美国经济进程;在气候外交方面,美国将推动相关问题在国家安全和外交事务中的主流化。拜登政府设计了“团结应对策略”,将盟友、峰会外交、经贸合作、对外援助和投资、技术标准、区域合作等内容融入其中,并突出气候变化与安全、人权的相关性。在对华气候政策方面,拜登政府将对中国实施限制性气候合作策略。虽然中美合作有助于实现《巴黎协定》的“2摄氏度”目标,也有助于全球低碳经济良性发展,但在气候治理领导权、全球低碳标准领域,中、美两国仍存在竞争。