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Global financial crisis is ongoing. The crisis has not only impacted the mode of the world economy that further called for reform of international economic system, but also exerted far-reaching impact on the transformation of the international political system and geopolitics. China, undergoing a critical period of reform anddevelopment, is obliged to probe the essence of the crisis and its prospective impacts, to discern the direction of the transforming international political system and geopolitics, and ... 相似文献
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经济全球化对于各国经济的发展产生了巨大影响,在国际经济法的制定与落实中发挥了重要的推动作用,为各国展开经济贸易活动提供了有力依据.本文首先对经济全球化的特点及其对于世界经济发展产生的影响进行分析.进而深入探析经济全球化背景下国际经济法的新发展,并且研究我国应对国际经济法发展的合理对策.致力于在适应国际经济法发展趋势的情... 相似文献
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国际航天热的动因及其国际影响 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
近年来,国际航天领域掀起新一轮发展热潮。苍穹深处,“月神”、“嫦娥”探月先行一步,印度“月船一号”随即而至,美国则誓言要重登月球;太平洋中,美军使用导弹防御系统击毁失控卫星,展示天战威力;市井之上,太空旅游的兜售声已经响起。驱动这轮发展热潮的有科技、经济、政治、军事、外交等多方面的考虑。各国竞相发展航天事业既带来了扩大双边和多边国际合作的机遇,也带来了太空竞争和冲突的风险。 相似文献
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当前世界正处在大变革和大调整的时期:这个时期的主要特点是.世界经济全球化、国际格局多极化和发展模式多元化都在深入发展:这“三化”,即全球化、多极化和多元化,既相互区别又密切联系,是一种相互影响和相互渗透的互动关系:从国际政治和国际关系的视角出发,需要共同探讨国际格局多极化近10年来的变化以及在发生国际金融危机之后的发展趋势。 相似文献
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随着经济全球化的发展,社会经济环境发生了很大的变化。不论这个趋势如何影响整个中国乃至世界。公平互利作为国际经济法的重要基本原则,都会对其起着重要的作用。本文将从国际经济法的职能,国际经济法的发展以及国际经济法的重要性阐述国际经济法对世界经济的影响。 相似文献
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数字时代国际资本流动整体遇冷并转向发展中国家,发展中国家巨大的数字经济发展潜力加速了这一趋势,推动“全球南方”国家群体性崛起。同时,北方国家在数字领域对“全球南方”实施技术封锁,数字鸿沟导致“全球南方”发展风险加剧,内外压力使“全球南方”难以形成稳定合作,这些挑战对“全球南方”崛起形成制约。在此背景下,中国需充分发挥数字经济引领力,倡导“全球南方”共同打造全球数字赋能公共平台和南方国家主导的国际资本协作监管机制;积极参与全球产业链重构,以产业优势弥合数字鸿沟,强化南方国家金融链韧性;稳步推进数字产业+数字金融双向开放,构建南南数字合作信任机制,促进跨境资本南南合作和组团式南北合作,打造数字时代国际资本合作新循环。 相似文献
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当前,世界经济依然增速缓慢,全球性就业问题突出。经过全球化的迅猛发展没有给世界广大劳动者带来多少好处。从各国情况看,政府为应对全球竞争,都在采取有利于资方特别是大公司的政策,面对政党政治和社会政策右倾 相似文献
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中国面临的新国际环境与对应之策 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
2011年是中国"十二五"规划的开局之年,落实好"十二五"发展规划,对于实现中国经济社会发展的成功转型,奠定可持续发展的基础至关重要。鉴于中国的发展与世界紧密连接, 相似文献
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Miranda Stewart 《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2014,1(3):484-496
Nation states in the Asia Pacific need to increase tax revenues but face many challenges. This article discusses the challenge of taxation in an age of capital mobility and tax competition. It then considers two opportunities that have recently been championed by the G20, which could enable governments to strengthen national tax systems by international cooperation. The first opportunity is the establishment of transnational tax administrative cooperation. The second opportunity is the potential for countries to develop a new multilateral framework for sharing the international capital tax base, which may arise under auspices of the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development Base Erosion and Profit Shifting project. As Chair of the G20 in 2014, Australia has a key leadership role to play in supporting countries in the region to grasp these opportunities. 相似文献
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Thomas Kalinowski 《Contemporary Politics》2009,15(3):287-304
This paper studies the politics of market-oriented reforms in Korea since the 1997/98 financial crisis. It focuses on the capacity of the state to implement these reforms, and challenges the view that successfully implemented market reforms follow a technocratic ‘best practice’ approach. On the contrary, this paper argues that reforms in Korea were relatively successful because they were political projects that went beyond ownership concepts of the IMF and World Bank. The temporary weakness of big business (chaebol) and the formation of reform coalitions by the government created a balance of power between societal interest groups that opened a political space for the government. The state regained some of the autonomy it had lost during the ‘Chaebol Republic’ from 1987 to 1997 and was able to implement reforms in a temporary corporatist framework. However, the chaebol adapted to the new situation and used the market-friendly reforms in their favour. The re-emergence of the chaebol undermined state autonomy and with the inauguration of the new President and former chaebol CEO Lee Myung Bak in 2008, Korea is arguably entering the second Chaebol Republic. 相似文献
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This article explores the neo-Gramscian concept of hegemony by investigating what the author refers to as multiple layers of hegemony existing and interacting with one another. Moreover, an empirical analysis of the South African Communist Party's (SACP's) role in the post-apartheid political landscape will be conducted in order to elucidate the key theoretical points under consideration. The article suggests that there are at least three relatively distinct layers, or forms, of hegemony that influence the post-apartheid political struggles of the SACP: global, national, and organizational. Engaging with the notion of hegemony in this manner, the author seeks to more clearly understand and explain the case study at hand, and also begins a conversation regarding the theoretical implications of engaging with the concept of hegemony in this manner. 相似文献
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Ben Cormier 《Third world quarterly》2016,37(2):209-226
The World Bank has developed a new lending instrument, called Program-for-Results (P4R). This instrument is notable because it emphasises borrower programmes and contexts, ostensibly shifting from universally applied Washington Consensus models. Why did the Bank develop P4R? First, theoretical grounds for a new Bank policy are outlined. Second, the context, formalisation and usage of P4R are analysed. Third, P4R’s possible futures are described, along with their implications for development lending theory and practice. Despite its embryonic status, scholars and practitioners will be able to learn about power in development lending by following the fate of P4R. 相似文献
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Oludele Akinloye Akinboade Emilie Chanceline Kinfack Mandisa Putuma Mokwena Wolassa L. Kumo 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(13):1124-1146
Random selection of taxpayers for audit mostly nets tax compliant taxpayers. There is hence a need to adopt other methods that are efficient and and effective in performing their specific and general deterrence roles. This article uses profit efficiency benchmarking to analyze selected retail firms tax compliance risk in South Africa over the 2005–2006 period. It seeks to identify firms that should be audited because of their suspected tax compliance risk, using a stochastic frontier analysis. The profit efficiency estimates of 24 retail stores are used to rank them in terms of their performance. They are also tracked over time. Approximately, 50 percent of the firms performed better than the average profit efficiency of 0.39. The top 10 firms are significantly performing better. However, the bottom 50 percent of the retail firms performed poorly and could be targeted for tax audit. 相似文献
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Mohammad Nurunnabi 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2019,42(10):823-839
Little attention has been paid to tax evasion in developing countries due to a lack of data. This article addresses this lacuna by investigating the tax evasion practices and finds significant increases in tax evasion in Bangladesh. The study makes a major contribution to the literature in tax evasion, and indicates that the norms of state actor(s) (i.e. the National Board of Revenue–the sole tax authority in Bangladesh) lie in the interests of politicians and the continuation of corruption. The legitimacy of the state actors in this case means that they act as facilitators for increasing tax evasion practices. Therefore, the current system has endured remarkably robustly to date, and coercive isomorphism is indeed needed in the institutionalization process. 相似文献
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Serge Banyongen 《Canadian journal of African studies》2017,51(2):199-216
In countries like Senegal where democracy seems to be institutionalising itself, evaluation of the quality of this practice often happens at critical points of reference such as elections. The democratic changes between Presidents Diouf and Wade in 2000 and between the latter and President Macky Sall in 2012 are generally deemed to be indicators of the healthy condition of democracy in this country. The present article stipulates that the politicians involved in this alternation plan and prepare for it as much at the heart of their administrations as do the political parties, but often also outside election periods. This article demonstrates that the Wade regime, following that mindset, has instrumentalized its cooperation with China in attempt to consolidate its power. 相似文献
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Jan Lust 《Third world quarterly》2019,40(4):780-795
The Peruvian economy depends for its growth on the export of its mineral resources. This dependency is derived from the country’s role in the international division of labour and is expressed in its export structure, economic structure and business structure. Peru’s dependency on its mineral resources, an economic structure that is principally made up of non-tradable sectors and a business structure dominated by micro businesses, make lasting economic progress very difficult. We argue that although the Peruvian economy is divided into an advanced economy and a capitalist subsistence economy, the country is not a dual economy where two sub-economies are economically and socially separated from each other and have structurally different modes of operation. The capitalist subsistence economy is characterized by low productivity levels and is expressed in remuneration rates at or near the minimum wage level. This structural feature of the Peruvian economy impedes the successful implementation of a process that would make the country less dependent on its natural resources and would set it on a development course of increased value-added production. 相似文献
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Mark Beeson 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(10):1962-1978
The impact of rising powers generally and the BRICS - Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa - in particular on the existing global order has become controversial and contested. Donald Trump’s nationalist foreign policy agenda has raised questions about the BRICS willingness and capacity to provide leadership in place on an American administration that is increasingly inward looking. As a result, the rise of BRICS poses potential normative and structural challenges to the existing liberal international order. Given its geoeconomic significance, China also poses a potential problem for the other BRICS, as well as the governance of the existing order more generally. Consequently, we argue that it will be difficult for the BRICS to maintain a unified position amongst themselves, let alone play a constructive role in preserving the foundations of ‘global governance’. 相似文献
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ZhongXiang Zhang 《Asia & the Pacific Policy Studies》2016,3(2):187-202
China has realised that for its own sake and from the international community's perspective, it cannot afford to continue on the conventional path of encouraging economic growth at the expense of the environment. Accordingly, the country has placed ecological goals at the same level of priority as policies on economic, political, cultural and social development. Specifically, meeting the grand goal involves not only capping China's nationwide coal consumption to let it peak before 2020 and carbon emissions peak around 2030, but also putting in place a variety of flagship programs and policies. This article argues that the 2030 carbon emissions peak goal is ambitious but achievable and concludes by arguing why there is reason to be optimistic about China's ‘green push’. 相似文献