观念在国际政治中的作用——评《超越国界的活动家:国际政治中的倡议网络》

一、研究背景观念在国际关系中究竟起什么作用?这是数十年来国际关系理论不同流派争辩的焦点问题之一。20世纪70年代末出现的新现实主义(结构现实主义)理论不承认观念的作用,将观念置于其研究框架之外。这一理论流派的代表沃尔兹(Kenneth Waltz,又译作华尔兹)认为,在国际关系中,结构是根据物质因素即无政府状态、该状态下的秩序原则和国家间实力的分配状况来加以定义     

中美印不对称三角关系的“信任—权力”分析

当前的"中美印三角"形成于美国单极独霸的权力格局中,构成一个典型的"不对称三角"。三个实力不对称的大国为何没有生成任何联盟,而构成相互掣肘的三角关系?信任—权力的分析模型主张将客观实力差距放置在主观信任的架构中去理解。中美基于支配权力下的理性信任关系,形成"胁迫—应付"互动结构;美印则是"支配权力下的感性信任"占主导,属于"笼络—防范"关系;中印关系是"吸引—观望"关系,即"关系权力下的理性信任"占主导。这三种关系均倾向于非联盟策略,由此构成了三角格局的基础。当然,随着"实力"与"信任"两大变量的变化,中美印"不对称三角"有三类前景:二对一格局、枢纽格局及三国集团。但是,基于三方实力与信任的不匹配,以及第三方因素的制约,三者最有可能保持既"非零和"互动且不结盟的微妙平衡,不对称三角博弈将是中美印三边关系在中短期内的常态。     

国际与国内政治中的价值问题

在当代国际关系中,价值常常是一个模糊、富有争议以及内在的定义从未真正统一的概念。一方面,国际关系中由于意识形态、传统和文化的差异,什么是普世性的价值和什么应该构成价值的内涵,对这些问题的回答历来存有争议;另一方面,由于不同的国家在政治与社会经济结构上的差异,以及由于国家类型和利益的不同,如何在具体的外交政策中反映和追求价值的方式,也相去甚远。进一步来说,什么是价值与国家生存和发展的关系?这更是“仁者见仁、智者见智”的事情。有的国际关系学者、或者说现实主义的学者往往主张,一个国家的自由意志,应该是国际关系中得…     

略论文化在国际关系中的作用

探寻影响国际关系的因素是国际关系学的重要课题。国际关系现实主义学派看重国际关系中的权力与利益因素,国际政治经济学则用政治与经济互动的原理,将国际关系看作是国家权力与市场力量交互作用的过程。本文将文化视为影响国际关系的重要因素之一,但并不意味着否定国家权力、国家利益、市场力量在国际关系中的作用。相反,与之相比,文化对国际关系的影响只居于次要地位。本文只是对文化在国际关系中的作用作一专门讨论而已。     

试析国家分离发生的路径和动力

分离促使国家和国际体系适时进行系统地自我更新。民族主权与族群冲突、国家建设与政权崩溃、民主化与政治失序、全球化与国际干预是国家发生分离的四种路径和表现。它们分别从社会原生要素间的政治关系、政治系统内外部权力的结构和关系、政治社会与垄断权力开放竞争和参与的关系、国际体系的结构和性质与国家独立自主发展的关系,说明国家发生分离的四种动力来源,即"主权"要素改变、"政权"建设遇阻、"政治社会"关系不对称以及"超国家"外部介入。这四种动力统一存在于国家主权的"同质性""专断性""对称性"和"正义性"四种属性内。它们是主权国家在全球持续裂变和扩散的原因,也是当下国家发生分离的路径和动力从单一走向复合的提示。     

关于地缘经济学的思考

冷战结束以后,国际形势在仅仅十年之内发生了巨大的变化,其变化的震撼性几乎波及到所有领域。人们的思维角度在不断进行调整,而最让人感觉需要调整的就是关于国家关系的思维模式。在国际关系理论界,在经过冷战结束这一措手不及事件的打击之后,西方国际关系理论学者在做着两件事情,一件事是对国际关系理论在预测国际关系发展趋势判断上的缺陷进行反醒;另一件事是对冷战后出现的种种新的国际关系现象进行理论分析和理论构建。这两件事做下来的结     

公共外交与中美软实力战略

全球化的发展和信息化的进程带来了国际政治权力资源的变化,文化、科技、知识和信息等软实力资源在国际关系中的地位日益凸显。这不仅催生了软实力理论的产生和发展,而且也影响了国家外交形式并正改变着外交的内容,由此公共外交在国际舞台上扮演着越来越重要的角色。软实力成为理解国际关系变化和外交政策的一个新的理论视角,理所当然地成为了公共外交的理论支撑,而公共外交本身也是软实力建设的重要内容和战略路径。中美软实力战略的差异导致了双方对公共外交认知的差异。本文在比较中美软实力战略的视角下,从公共外交的主体、受体、传播内容以及传播媒介等方面来分析美国公共外交的特点,同时从这四个方面来论述中国公共外交体系的构建。     

相互依赖与国际冲突

相互依赖与国际冲突的内在联系通过对外需求的机制建立起来,相互需求导致相互依赖。相互依赖是国际冲突的一个直接根源。相互依赖关系中国家与市场的矛盾、代价、国家行为的不自主以及相互依赖的不对称都使相互依赖具有导致冲突的内在倾向,而不同领域权力资源的转换则具有使冲突升级的性质。这不仅是由国际社会无政府状态所决定,也是由相互依赖世界中经济和政治日益融合、内政和外交相互渗透的特点决定的。     

国际关系体系理论的微观分析方法

国际关系体系理论事实上主导着当前的国际关系理论研究。与此同时，大多数体系理论又都以理性主义为指引的，凡不遵循理性主义逻辑的体系理论，多不被视作严肃的体系理论。需要指出的是，体系理论的缺陷恰好在于其对理性主义方法的应用：体系理论更关注宏观层次的讨论，而理性主义方法却注重微观层次的考察。这就导致了止步于宏观层次的体系理论简洁有余但解释力不足，而多数引入更为微观讨论的理论尝试又陷入另一个极端。笔者认为，应当重新强调理性主义的微观关注，将微观研究重新引入体系理论。本文从微观的视角分析和思考国际关系的体系理论，一方面尝试将体系理论的宏观层面与理性主义的微观层面相结合，另一方面旨在寻找国际政治与国内政治的汇合点，并由此得出国际关系体系理论的六个推论。希望本研究能推动国际关系理论中的体系一单元关联理论的发展。     

论国际关系中的法则与规范

冷战结束以来，国际关系理论发生了一个重大的转变，即从绝对的物质主义转向物质主义和理念主义并重，国家不再被认为只是进行利益最大化的理性选择，而是能够通过实践互动重新建构身份与利益。从学说发展史的眼光来看，这标志着国际关系理论不再是以强调科学主义的微观经济学作为唯一的思想来源，而是融入了充满人文色彩的社会学思想要素。但这还不够，国际关系学者还需要对作为实践知识的国际关系理论进行哲学的检验与反思，本文是作为这项研究的一种导论。     

A global partnership for development and other unfulfilled promises of the millennium project

This article revisits the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (mdgs) set in 2000, timely now because policy makers are currently making plans for the period after 2015. After laying out a critical analysis of the mdgs, the article focuses on Millennium Goal 8, the global partnership for development. The argument made is that the absence of any goal to reset the asymmetrical power relations between the North and the South reveals the limitations of the endeavour. The pharmaceutical industry is discussed in detail because mdg8/Target 6 deals with access to affordable, essential drugs in developing countries. This target seems emblematic of a problem found throughout the millennium project: the unaddressed need for real economic development. Target 6 exemplifies both North–South and public–private conflicts of interest, which are carefully hidden in official documents behind the euphemism of ‘partnership’, as if countries of such unequal power could be partners.     

Developmentality: indirect governance in the World Bank–Uganda partnership

The instituted order of development is changing, creating new power mechanisms ordering the relationship between donor and recipient institutions. Donors’ focus on partnership, participation and ownership has radically transformed the orchestration of aid. While the formal order of this new aid architecture aimed to alter inherently asymmetrical donor–recipient relations by installing the recipient side with greater freedom and responsibility, this article – drawing on an analysis of the World Bank’s Poverty Reduction and Strategy Paper (PRSP) model and its partnership with Uganda – demonstrates how lopsided aid relations are being reproduced in profound ways. Analysed in terms of developmentality, the article shows how the donor aspires to make its policies those of the recipient as a means to govern at a distance, where promises of greater inclusion and freedom facilitate new governance mechanisms enabling the donor to retain control by framing the partnership and thus limiting the conditions under which the recipient exercises the freedom it has been granted.     

Politics of responsibility: governing distant populations through civil society in Mozambique,Rwanda and South Africa

This article presents and analyses the findings of a research project on power relations in the context of development partnerships with civil society on HIV/AIDS in Mozambique, Rwanda and South Africa, and engages in a critical dialogue with governmentality analysis. It argues that contemporary neoliberal government needs to be understood as context-specific articulations of three forms of power discussed by Foucault – sovereignty, discipline and biopower – and, in the global domain, a fourth form of power – (new) imperialism. Further, the analysis demonstrates how the introduction of a ‘package of (de-)responsibilisation’ shapes CSOs’ activities so that they become competitive service providers, use evidence-based methods and produce measurable results. Addressing the issue of resistance, it shows how the transfer of responsibilities may involve tension and struggle – a politics of responsibility.     

Central Asia and regional security

This paper aims to analyze the politico-military cooperation among the Central Asian countries viewed as a key factor in ensuring the regional security. Today, the geopolitical tension in the surrounding regions, the worsening situation in Afghanistan, as well as intraregional socio-economic problems directly affect the security situation in Central Asia. In this regard, the question arises as to how well the Central Asian states are able to meet these challenges. The analysis of the situation in the region in the 1990s and at the beginning of the new century shows that attempts have been made to establish a regional security system based on military cooperation among Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. However, unregulated interstate relations in Central Asia, the lack of political will to cooperate with leaders of neighboring countries and the combination of external and internal threats have contributed to the creation of a regional security system based on the multilateral structures with the involvement of external actors.     

Islam and the United States: streams of convergence,strands of divergence

This article identifies four historical phases of relations between Islam and the Western world, as led by the United States. The first phase was a convergence of values coinciding with a divergence of empathy. The second phase reversed the order – Islamic and Western values diverged, but intercommunal relations became closer. The third phase is after September 11 when intercommunal relations once again diverged while differences between Western and Islamic values were greater than ever. The futuristic fourth phase of Islam's relations with the U.S.‐led Western world is when the power of the new American Empire is circumscribed, Western values become less libertarian, and Islam reconciles itself to modernity.     

Les agents religieux islamiques en Afrique tropicale: réflexions autour d'un thème

There are political and environmental challenges in the Nile Basin. In the past, Egypt's military dominance, civil wars in Sudan and Ethiopia, and negligible use of water by upstream states muted political tensions. But demands for a fairer share of the Nile River have resurfaced, and many countries have openly defied the imposed regime, meaning the 1929 agreement between Egypt and Britain and the 1959 bilateral agreements between Egypt and Sudan. The literature suggests this can lead to both conflict and co-operation. The dominant power-based and interest-based regime theories of international relations differ in their formulation of actors or actors' preferences over outcomes. This article argues that, while the former is the most powerful tool to explain what has happened in the past, the latter theory has a much more nuanced and explanatory power in terms of what will happen in the future in the Nile Basin.     

(Neo-)extractivism – a new challenge for development theory from Latin America

This paper addresses new challenges and identifies starting points for development theory following recent debates in Latin America on ‘new or neo-extractivism’. It focuses on the concept of neo-extractivism and the context of its emergence, and on the changing role of the state. Looking at a number of social economic indicators, we find that, even after considering differences between countries, (neo-)extractivism is not merely a temporary economic strategy in the region. Instead, it exhibits features of a consolidated development project. Empirical evidence from the region shows the fundamental implications of resource-based development paths in politics, social relations and territorial orders. To grasp these implications conceptually, we argue for a shift in theoretical perspectives related to the link between development and resource extraction. Key elements for such a shift are to be found in recent studies in rentier theory and politics and new approaches in the field of political ecology.     

The spoils of peace in Iraqi Kurdistan

This paper examines transition patterns in post-Gulf war Iraqi Kurdistan as a function of external aid, and the impact of these developments on relations between the Kurdistan region and Baghdad. It argues that, despite ethnic traditions and structural legacies, the asymmetrical and changing nature of aid has created new incentives for conflict and co-operation. Since 1991 aid has strengthened the Kurdistan region's power in relation to the state and increased leverage on the central government to accommodate Kurdish demands for autonomy. Yet it has also created an increasingly complex political – economic order and new interdependencies between the regions. The shift from relief aid to reconstruction within a neoliberal framework has helped open the Iraqi and Kurdish political economies by encouraging trade between the Kurdistan region, regional states and foreign governments. The creation of a federal Iraqi state has also led to financial and political linkages between the Kurdistan region and Baghdad and to new requirements for negotiation.     

The continuing relevance of Germany's engine for CEE and the EU

The article looks first into the nature of the relations between Germany and the CEE countries a decade since the accession of the CEE countries to the EU. The relations are characterized as normalised and intensive with diverse levels of closeness and co-operation reflecting of the conceptual and ideological compatibility/differences.Next, the article focuses on the German attitude to the euro zone crisis. Germany has become a hegemon in the rescue effort aimed at stabilisation and economic invigoration of the euro zone. However, German hegemony has developed by default, not by design: her leading position is linked with considerable political and financial costs. Germany moved central stage and took the position of a reluctant hegemon. However, German role is contested internationally (it has not the support of the French government in key areas) as well as internally (particularly by the Federal Constitutional Court and the Bundesbank).The article argues that the new situation makes the German–CEE relations increasingly relevant for both sides. The German leadership of the EU increasing split along the north–south divide requires backing by the Northern group countries to which the CEE in general belongs. Given a number of reasons the CEE countries implement three distinctive strategies of co-operation with Germany in European politics. Also military co-operation, which remained rather limited so far, may receive new impulses, given the financial austerity.     

Prayers,pilgrimages and petitions: The secret church and the growth of civil society in Slovakia

The historical feud between Hungary and Romania over Transylvania has escalated in proportion and intensity in recent years. Territorial dispute is no longer central to the present debate. Rather, it is the treatment of approximately two million¹ ethnic Hungarians residing in Transylvania that has generated considerable tension between the governments of Janos Kadar and Nicolae Ceausescu. Transylvania's ethnic Hungarians represent an obstacle to Ceausescu's policy of “national communism,” which promotes “Romanianism” to the detriment of the country's minority populations. In Hungary, reformists both within and outside the Kadar government have pressed the regime for a satisfactory solution to the perceived mistreatment of Hungarians living in neighboring socialist countries. By complicating relations between the two countries, the nationality question also effectively limits the degree to which Hungary and Romania can cooperate succesfully on regional endeavors. Finally, particularly in the case of Romania, exacerbation of the nationality question has attracted increased concern among “external” players, including the Soviet Union and the United States.