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1.
解垩 《中国发展》2007,7(3):55-58
1999-2003年间省级面板数据的估计结果显示,市场规模和基础设施是影响外国直接投资(FDI)的关键性因素。西部地区的税收因素对FDI作用明显,而中东部的税收因素对FDI的作用不明显。税收对吸引外资的效果带有明显的区域性特征。  相似文献   

2.
王认真 《中国发展》2010,10(3):29-32
80年代以来,安徽省国际贸易和利用外商直接投资(FDI)迅猛发展。该文利用协整检验(Co-integra-tionTest)和格兰杰因果关系检验的方法,运用安徽省1985-2008年数据检验了国际贸易与FDI之间的长期相互关系。实证结果表明:安徽省国际国际贸易与FDI之间的关系是贸易投资一体化。在此基础上,提出安徽省应该注重国际贸易投资政策的协同关系。  相似文献   

3.
黄宁  杨先明 《思想战线》2007,4(4):66-70
对西部FDI增长要素效应以及增长函数的研究表明,西部FDI吸收量存在较大缺口,使得西部在经济增长过程中存在较大的增长数量和增长质量的机会损失。  相似文献   

4.
Yue-Fang Si 《当代中国》2014,23(89):804-821
The Investment Development Path (IDP) model has been widely accepted for illustrating the relationship between the inward and outward foreign direct investment (FDI) positions of a country and its economic status based on the data from developed economies. In recent years, however, outward FDI from developing economies has increased dramatically and it has been argued that institutions are ‘forefront’ factors in addition to the economic index. In this article, we use statistical data from China, which has gone through dramatic regulation reform and FDI development, to test the validity of the IDP model. We also trace the history of Chinese FDI regulation development to answer the following question: in what way are regulations important for FDI in different periods? We use Lenovo as a case study to show how a Chinese firm ‘avoids’ and ‘adapts to’ regulation changes. We find that the FDI development of China still follows the IDP model; however, the Chinese government has accelerated the whole process through active regulation reform. In a transition economy such as China, FDI co-evolves with the regulation, and the firms which can influence or foresee the policy changes can prosper considerably.  相似文献   

5.
Xiaomin Rong 《当代中国》1999,8(20):123-146
Using Chinese and Japanese data, this paper shows that Japanese foreign direct investment (FDI) has been under‐represented in China since 1980, but especially before 1992, compared with Japanese FDI in some other East and Southeast Asian countries, and with FDI in China from other major international investors. The under‐representation of Japanese FDI in China, and its important patterns cannot be simply dismissed as being a result of China's poor investment environment. This paper proposes an alternative explanation by repositioning Japanese FDI in China into a larger historical, political and strategic framework. It argues that the growth of Japanese FDI in China has been shadowed by the lingering historical experiences of the two nations since 1895, and has been disrupted by a series of political incidents between the two countries during the previous 17 years.  相似文献   

6.
Kui Yin Cheung 《当代中国》2010,19(65):541-557
Since economic reforms began in 1979, China has sought to overcome the technology gap by absorbing foreign advanced technology through FDI. This paper investigates the impact of FDI via exports on the innovation performance of domestic firms in China's high-tech product industries for the period 1995–2006. By using the panel data analysis, we confirm the hypotheses that: (1) exports of domestic firms have positive spillover effects on innovation performance of local firms either through learning or through competition; (2) R&D activities of foreign-invested enterprises in the host country in an industry are positively associated with innovation performance of domestic firms in that industry; and (3) import of technology, which is important to the establishment of assimilative capability, has positive effects on domestic innovation performance. This provides evidence suggesting that China's domestic firms benefit from spillovers associated with FDI and from export activity of both domestic firms and foreign-invested enterprises.  相似文献   

7.
Qiangbing Chen 《当代中国》2011,20(72):849-860
This paper investigates the roles of excessive investment and compulsory saving in causing China's great famine during the period of 1959–1961. China initiated its ambitious industrialization campaign in 1958 under the false illusion that the agricultural sector would be able to provide sufficient savings. When the illusion proved to be false, a large number of industrial projects were left incomplete. However, since the economic returns for completing the half-done projects were high, central planners maintained high levels of grain procurement and urban labor force to complete these projects, even when famine became widespread. In addition, some political factors also contributed to the insufficient response by the central planners to the famine. The high grain procurement enforced by the State, compounded by other factors such as weather calamity, caused the most deadly famine in human history.  相似文献   

8.
《当代中国》2009,18(61):617-637
China's non-intervention policy has long been criticized for prolonging the rule of many authoritarian regimes. Myanmar has become one of the classic examples. As China is expected to become a responsible great power, her behavioral patterns have aroused many concerns. This paper aims to re-interpret China's non-intervention policy. While explaining various constraints on China's capability to intervene in the Myanmar government, it shows how China is making efforts to seek a new intervention policy in dealing with countries like Myanmar. It argues that China's insistence on a non-intervention policy does not mean that China does not want to influence other countries such as Myanmar. To assess Chinese leverage and its non-intervention policy toward Myanmar as well as to supplement the current limited academic discussion on Sino–Myanmar relations, in this paper we first examine Chinese leverage in Myanmar through Burmese local politics, such as the power struggle between the central government and local rebel governments. Second, we disaggregate the Chinese interests in Myanmar into different levels (regional, geo-strategic and international) and discuss how these interests affect China's non-intervention policy. Third, we argue that China has indeed tried to intervene in Myanmar politics, but in a softer manner that contrasts with the traditional Western hard interventions, such as economic sanctions and military interference.  相似文献   

9.
The US has maintained a keen interest in Taiwan's military security for decades, and US arms transfer to Taiwan has become an especially important issue for both China and Taiwan since the normalization of US-China relations. This study attempts to examine US arms transfer policy toward Taiwan since the late 1970s. What factors have been involved in the formulation and implementation of US arms transfer policy? How have structural changes in the international system, such as the end of the Cold War, affected the policy? Since the Taiwan Relations Act in 1979 allowed continued sales for Taiwan's security and the US-PRC Joint Communique on 17 August 1982 agreed to decrease arms sales to Taiwan, how has the US resolved the contradiction between the two sets of policies? Finally, what is the effect of US arms transfer on Taiwan's national security and defense industry?  相似文献   

10.
Aimin Chen 《当代中国》1998,7(17):43-60
This study analyzes the predicaments and prospects of China's urban housing market development. To this end, it examines the pre‐reform housing system in China's urban sector, presents major reform efforts, and investigates most recent reform designs and price subsidy schemes. The author maintains that China's housing market can be expected to develop vigorously as both fundamental factors and policy directives favor such a development.  相似文献   

11.
Yongnian Zheng 《当代中国》2010,19(67):799-818
This paper examines China's transformation from different perspectives, including economic, social and political, and discusses how these transformations are linked to the country's open-door policy. The paper argues that the most powerful driving force behind China's rapid transformation is its openness. At the domestic level, openness creates an institutional environment in which different existing factors reorganize themselves, thus providing new dynamics for change. At the international level, openness links China and the world together, and the interplay between China and the world produces an external dynamism for China's internal changes. Openness, however, has led to social injustice. Society often becomes the weakest link in the process of globalization and opening up; therefore, it must be defended by all means and in all major policy areas.  相似文献   

12.
Ian Taylor 《当代中国》2002,11(30):125-140
The search for status, or more correctly, the desire to maintain status, lies at the heart of the Republic of China on Taiwan's (ROC) foreign policy. This is particularly so vis-a ¤ -vis its official state-to-state relations. In this regard, the ROC has been constrained by a conscious policy by the People's Republic of China (PRC) to try and marginalize Taiwan on the international stage. Due to objective realities, Taiwan has had to become satisfied with maintaining official state relations with small states only. All, with the exception of the Vatican, are in the developing world, with a number in Africa. This paper examines Taiwanese foreign policy and its diplomatic initiatives, with particular reference to its use of 'dollar diplomacy' in its activities in Africa. The constraints and limitations of such policies are drawn out.  相似文献   

13.
大陆台商投资地区的空间关联性与影响因素分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
本文利用空M分析方法对台商投资大陆的53个台商超过百家的城市和31个省市自治区进行空间测度表明,台商大陆投资区域具有显著的空间聚集特征。其原凶主要是市场容量、劳动力成本、基础设施和沿海内陆差异等因素所致,台商投资在FDI中有其独特之处。我们认为保持区域经济的持续增长是吸引台商投资大陆的关键;通过政策促进人力资本的积累、引导大陆台资企业转型升级,是消减劳动力工资上升对台商大陆投资负面影响的有效手段;不断完善基础设施建设是改善投资环境、吸引台资的重要途径;拓宽经济区的空间范围,有利于发挥台商投资的空间聚集效应,从而最大限度地吸引台商投资。  相似文献   

14.
The study of Chinese foreign policy has long shown that domestic politics and domestic constraints are sources of foreign policy, albeit generally considered less potent than ideology and interests. Domestic political constraints should also be explored as factors in Chinese regional policies toward East Asia, including regional economic institutions. This paper examines three domestic institutional constraints on regional foreign policy in the area of trade and economics: a fragmented decision-making structure that has difficulty with coordination, a relatively heavy reliance on top level decision-makers at a time when issues of Asian economic policy have relatively low priority for these same decision-makers, and the relatively extreme lack of autonomy for negotiators vis-á-vis top decision-makers in Beijing. These constraints are by any means unique to China. However, at a time when many observers and participants are expecting—indeed, often hoping for—Chinese leadership in the region, the paper posits that these constraints hinder the PRC's ability to fill this role. The key empirical focus is regional trade agreements and regional economic organizations.  相似文献   

15.
司静 《中国发展》2012,12(5):41-44
随着社会经济的逐步发展及新加坡、中国香港等国家和地区实行"高薪养廉"制度取得了极大的成功,"高薪养廉"成为了人们热议的话题,该文从中国现阶段的客观条件和主观因素分析认为,中国不适合实行"高薪养廉"政策。  相似文献   

16.
Philip Andrews-Speed   《当代中国》2009,18(61):591-616
This article develops an analytical framework for examining China's energy policy-making processes, and uses it to explain the recent shifts in the country's energy priorities. The authors analyze the decisive factors in China's energy sector reforms by looking at the different stages from agenda setting, through policy choices, to decision making and implementation. The article attempts to identify the actors behind, the drivers for, and the constraints to, the progress of energy sector reforms in China since 1993 and to follow the evolution of these drivers and constraints. This will allow a better understanding of the possible future trends of energy sector reform, the institutional limits to policy change and the constraints to implementation.  相似文献   

17.
Jing-Dong Yuan 《当代中国》2002,11(31):209-233
This article offers an overview of China's evolving nonproliferation policy over the past decade. It documents the key developments during this period and identifies both the internal and external factors that have brought about significant change in Chinese policy. It argues that China's growing recognition of the threats posed by WMD proliferation, image concerns, its interest in maintaining stable Sino-US relations, and the US policy initiatives aimed at influencing Chinese behavior are largely accountable for Beijing's gradual acceptance of nonproliferation norms, pledges to adhere to selected multilateral export control guidelines, and the introduction of domestic export control regulations. It suggests that the future direction of China's nonproliferation policy to a large extent will depend on how Beijing and Washington manage their increasing differences over missile defenses and the Taiwan issue.  相似文献   

18.
台商对大陆投资的区位选择,受地区市场规模及其增长潜力、对外开放水平、基础设施完备程度、集聚经济状况、人力资源质量与生产成本等多方面因素的影响。针对2007年台商投资的偏最小二乘回归结果表明:除效率工资和税负水平外,其余区位因素对于台商投资有正向影响;东、中、西部地区的区位因素影响力表现出一定的差异,反映在经济发展水平不同的区域,台商亦有不同的区位决策过程;在经济转型时期,大陆各省区的集聚经济与市场发育程度最受台商关注,市场规模和潜力的影响作用尚未有足够体现,而劳动力因素对于台商投资区位选择的影响较小。  相似文献   

19.
《当代中国》2007,16(52):517-534
Because of the excess demand for branch licences and the Chinese government's policy to effectively ration banking licences, this paper suggests explaining the allocation of branch licences by the objectives of the Chinese government rather than by the objectives of foreign banks. Consequently, it examines what factors determined the supply of branch licences to foreign banks in China at a micro level. This is in contrast with the existing literature that focuses almost exclusively on the demand for branch licences by foreign banks. To consider the supply of branch licences, we construct detailed data about each foreign bank's organisations in China.  相似文献   

20.
李世泽 《桂海论丛》2007,23(3):48-50
投资已成为促进广西经济发展的主导性动力,但国家宏观调控对广西投资的影响日益显现,反映在土地审批、信贷政策、财政政策、产业政策、项目核准等五个方面。针对这些影响,文章提出了适应国家宏观调控,扩大广西投资规模的对策,包括正确引导资金投向,统筹重大项目建设,积极拓宽融资渠道,解决建设用地问题,加强投资运行监控,创造一流投资环境。  相似文献   

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