社会主义劳动修复与“着重保护劳动所得”的逻辑贯通

"着重保护劳动所得"是党的十九届四中全会决定中的重要精神,是社会主义基本制度在保护劳动者权益、确证劳动者主人地位的根本体现,是实现劳动群众追求体面劳动和幸福生活的现实要求。社会主义劳动修复是我国劳动分配制度的重要补充,是确保劳动者权益和提升劳动者自我发展能力的重要机制,是促进劳动和谐、推动全体劳动者体面劳动、幸福生活、自由发展的根本路径。社会主义劳动修复与"着重保护劳动所得"具有一脉相承的逻辑贯通,在保护广大人民群众创造性劳动和积极劳动情怀方面具有异曲同工的社会价值;社会主义劳动修复对于提升劳动者崇尚劳动理念、激发劳动者价值创造伟力、防止和纠正劳动歧视、营造公平正义的劳动环境、构建和谐劳动关系、实现人民勤奋劳动的多元性价值创造与劳动者多样性合理需求的完美结合具有重要的学理价值。     

工会的协调作用之解读

早在资本主义产业革命时期的劳动关系领域里,由于没有工会组织,工人们虽奋力反抗资本家的残酷剥削,但仍一次次地惨遭失败。进入19世纪末,由于＂三方协商机制＂的出现,资本主义各国的法律纷纷开始承认工会组织,确立工会的合法地位。在我国,工会是职工自愿结合的工人阶级的群众组织。我国工会法明确规定了工会在协调劳动关系中的地位、职能和作用,工会代表和维护劳动者的合法权益,依法独立自主地开展活动。     

Sources of Strength-Young Arab Leaders' Observations on China's Development

AS the Western media continues to peddle lies about forced labor involved in Xinjiang's cotton production,a young leader from the Arab world told a different story about China.Adham Sayed,now a central committee member of the Lebanese Communist Party,chose to stay in China after the novel coronavirus outbreak in Wuhan as a doctoral student at Huazhong University of Science and Technology."My classmates and I all feel our religious beliefs have been fully respected.In China,protection of people's freedom of religious beliefs has been en-shrined in the country's constitution," Sayed said at the China-Arab States Young Leaders Forum hosted by the International Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) via video link on March 30.     

论家政工的劳动权利

中国目前约有家政工1500万,其中以女性农民工为主。因家政行业技术含量低、危险性小,从而成为很多农村妇女进城打工的首选工作。但因中国《劳动法》不适用于家政工,同时没有保护家政工劳动权利的专门法律,致使家政工劳动权利受侵害的现象在相当大的范围内存在。本文从劳动者的界定、家政工劳动权利的特殊性以及家政工劳动权利保护的必要性三个方面阐述了家政工的劳动权利,以期引起立法者对家政工群体的关注,推动家政工劳动权利保护的立法进程。     

提高国有企业职工政治素质探析

文章针对当前我国国有企业中部分职工政治观念淡化，思想认识模糊，对改革认识不足，缺乏进取思想，重利轻义，利己主义思想突出等问题，指出应加强职工的政治理论学习，提高职工政治教育的实效性，增加政治教育的渗透性和健全政治教育的机制，全面提高国有企业职工的政治素质。     

Outshining the Competition

China has vied for a remarkable share of international trade over the past three decades, drawing on its low labor and manufacturing costs and resources. With the outbreak of the global financial crisis, its export-oriented economy has delivered a heavy blow to its economic performance. Will China be able to use the crisis as a golden opportunity to outshine its opponents in international trade? Mei Xinyu, an associate researcher at the Chinese Academy of International Trade and Economic Cooperation under t...     

中国社会转型期的女职工劳动保护

中国正在进行社会主义市场经济的改革,在经济全球化和市场的共同作用下,中国女职工就业权利和劳动保护受到空前的冲击和挑战。一方面,大量出现女职工劳动保护不足的问题;另一方面,又存在女职工过度保护的问题;此外,还存在由于政府不再承担公共服务责任和监管力度弱化而出现的越提倡保护、对女职工就业越不利的复杂局面。本文参照全球化和对自由主义经济批判的框架,从国际劳工标准、社会性别平等和政府责任等角度,对上述现象进行了分析,探讨了《女职工劳动保护条例》修改中的基本原则和修改导向,并提出相关政策建议。     

非正规的“正规化”:劳动力市场分割与家政服务企业——基于2019年四个城市的家政工人调查

在非正规就业盛行的家政市场,家政服务企业的重要性日益凸显,亟待考察这些劳动力市场中介机构的就业效果。通过分析2019年四个城市的家政工人调查数据,发现家政服务企业的发展可能会影响家政业内不同工种的收入差距,改变非正规就业市场的原有结构。伴随管理者企业的介入,家务员收入大幅提升,母婴护理员和家庭保洁员的收入则出现下降。家政企业对工人收入的改善和工作正规化的促进作用是有限的。本文不仅呈现了家政就业市场内部的异质性,为家政工作的正规化讨论提供中国经验数据,还指出劳动力市场中介机构在以女性为主的非正规就业市场上的特殊性,具有一定政策意义。     

非正规的“正规化”:劳动力市场分割与家政服务企业——基于2019年四个城市的家政工人调查

在非正规就业盛行的家政市场,家政服务企业的重要性日益凸显,亟待考察这些劳动力市场中介机构的就业效果。通过分析2019年四个城市的家政工人调查数据,发现家政服务企业的发展可能会影响家政业内不同工种的收入差距,改变非正规就业市场的原有结构。伴随管理者企业的介入,家务员收入大幅提升,母婴护理员和家庭保洁员的收入则出现下降。家政企业对工人收入的改善和工作正规化的促进作用是有限的。本文不仅呈现了家政就业市场内部的异质性,为家政工作的正规化讨论提供中国经验数据,还指出劳动力市场中介机构在以女性为主的非正规就业市场上的特殊性,具有一定政策意义。     

Dispersive Containment: a comparative case study of labor politics in central China

Why is there no large-scale labor movement out of intense labor conflicts in current China? Based on a comparative case study of two groups of workers—state workers vs. temporary workers—this paper is an attempt to explore the concrete processes and mechanisms of workers' struggles—how they navigated among street protests, office petitions and court prosecutions through their interaction with state agencies. The argument is that different workers obtained different symbolic rewards instead of material concessions, based on their different social positions and historical trajectories. Unlike the classical ‘fragmentation’ argument which attributes the working class's inaction to its internal divisions, this argument focuses on the interaction between the differentiated workers and the local state agents, during which the workers lost their radical momentum and became subjected to the state's peaceful taming based on the workers' differences. This is a process called ‘dispersive containment’, i.e. dissipating the labor conflicts through divergent symbolic treatment of working-class protest without granting material rewards to them.     

中越两党的忧患意识及其比较

中越两党都具有强烈的忧患意识。由于同属马克思主义政党和社会主义国家,又面临着大致相同的历史任务和社会发展阶段,因而中越两党在忧患意识方面共性颇多。但党情、国情、社会复杂程度和经济发展水平的差异,又使中越两党的忧患意识具有各自的特点。     

对我国劳动者单方解除权制度的评析

劳动者单方解除权制度能保护劳动者自由择业的权利,我国《劳动合同法》第37、38条对劳动者单方解除权做了规定。第37条规定了预告解除,第38条第1款规定了通知解除,第38条还规定了立即解除。第37条规定的预告期不做区分处理具有合理性。我国的现行制度下预告解除权可以适用于固定期限劳动合同,与劳动合同期限的约定冲突,与国外规定不一致,对劳动者的保护力度更大,这种立法保护是在不对我国劳动法律制度进行太调整的情况下做出的必然选择。     

Reinterpreting the Sino–Japanese War: 1939–1940, peasant mobilisation,and the road to the PRC

The War of Resistance to Japan (1937–1945) has long been recognised as the most important stage in the Chinese Communist Party's rise to power in 1949. Particularly in its North China base areas, the Chinese Communist Party is said to have pursued moderate, inclusive, and mobilisatory tactics during the war years to build a movement for national salvation from the bottom up, which eventually led to the establishment of the People's Republic of China. The evidence from the heart of the Taihang Base Area suggests the possibility of another contrasting history, masked by current interpretations, in which 1939–1940 was a crucial turning point in that process. Starting in September 1939, and for the following six months, there is evidence of more explicitly revolutionary endeavour. The Chinese Communist Party seized power locally from its allies and destroyed the opposition; it engaged in violent land reform and wealth redistribution; and it attempted to proletarianise itself. Understanding the causes of these phenomena and their consequences in one of the most important front-line base areas provides new perspectives on both the course of the war with Japan and the Chinese Communist Party's eventual success.     

Fighting for Migrant Labor Rights in the World's Factory: legitimacy,resource constraints and strategies of grassroots migrant labor NGOs in South China

China's dizzying economic achievement is not mirrored in its labor rights protection record. Migrant workers in particular do not enjoy rights commensurate with their contribution to the economy. The pervasive infringement of labor rights and the failure of the official protective system have jointly created a niche for nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). This article investigates the grassroots migrant labor NGOs in the Pearl River Delta region, an area which has seen unprecedented increases in labor disputes both in terms of quantity and intensity. Making extensive use of in-depth interviews and participatory observations, it examines the strategies and tactics NGOs use for survival and growth in a hostile external environment. This article reveals that administrative illegitimacy and resource shortage have been the two key challenges for grassroots NGOs; in order to survive, they have developed a series of strategies to enhance legitimacy and explore resources. In the meantime, however, antagonistic thinking still drives the government's response to grassroots organizations unless the latter can skillfully balance political ideology and actual operation. Yet, overall, most NGOs still managed to survive despite various difficulties. Reciprocity and mutual trust are of critical importance to peaceful coexistence, if not cooperation, between the state and the grassroots. The building of long-term healthy labor relations in China necessitates more liberal thinking and collaborative governance.     

中国发布新冠肺炎疫情信息、推进疫情防控国际合作纪事(上)

新冠肺炎疫情,是新中国成立以来发生的传播速度最快、感染范围最广、防控难度最大的_次重大突发公共卫生事件。面对来势汹汹的疫情,在以习近平同志为核心的中共中央坚强领导下,中国采取最全面、最严格、最彻底的防控举措,14亿人民同舟共济,众志成城,同疫情展开顽强斗争,付出巨大代价和牺牲。在全国人民共同努力下,中国疫情防控形势持续向好、生产生SW?加快恢复的态势不断巩固和拓展。     

Policy-making and Political Supervision in Shanghai's Financial Industry

This study deals with the political economy of local financial industries in China. It focuses on the changing patterns of political interference and the key role of Communist Party bodies in shaping business incentives. The centralization measures in the financial sector that were implemented under the Zhu Rongji government in 1998 and 1999 turned out to be not very effective in supervising local financial institutions. From 2000 to 2003, a trend towards a reaffirmation of local control in financial business emerged. Local governments began to set up new financial work bodies with comprehensive functions and extensively used local banks as their ‘moneybag’ again. Reducing the risks involved in the current politicized management of local financial business will be inseparable from political, legal and regulatory changes: curbing the Communist Party's role in cadre appointments, strengthening legal corporate governance structures and clarifying the division of labor among national and local supervisory bodies.     

Complementing the local discipline inspection commissions of the CCP: empowerment of the central inspection groups

Rampant corruption among China’s party members suggests that the existing system of party discipline is too fragile to function effectively. The question now is how the central leadership reinforces party supervision over leading cadres in both government and state firms. The Chinese leadership, after some period of experimentation, has introduced new institutions, named zhongyang xunshizu (central inspection groups), to complement the existing discipline system. This article examines how these central inspection groups complement the existing groups institutionally and normatively, and explores the Chinese Communist Party’s institutional engineering efforts to maintain legitimacy, organizational integrity and sustainability. This article considers these initiatives from the view of institutional complementarity and compensation. Theoretically, the application of institutional complementarity to China’s party discipline inspection should expand the scope of analysis into China’s institutional reform of party discipline. Empirically, the central inspection groups are the least known, but perhaps most significant, direct channel for central supervision of leaders in both local government and key state-owned enterprises. By comparing the rationale and operation of disciplinary inspection commissions (DICs), this article attempts to explain how the central inspection groups complement the supervision of local DICs in terms of scope, structure and methods of control.     

The Impact of Competition and Labor Remuneration on Profitability in China's Industrial State-owned Enterprises

China's industrial state-owned enterprises (SOEs) have seen a secular decline in profitability throughout the reform period. Barry Naughton argues that this decline was in large part due to a decline in monopoly rents as competition with enterprises in other ownership forms increased. Fan Gang and Woo Wing-Thye, on the other hand, contend that profitability declined across all sectors independent of the degree of competition, and that excessive labor remuneration accounts for the broad decline in SOE profitability. Testing the two hypotheses with aggregate sectoral and provincial data from the mid-1980s to the late-1990s, neither appears convincing. Yet at closer inspection these are not competing hypotheses. The two causes affect overall profitability through different channels. Competition and labor remuneration have a highly significant impact on intermediate profitability measures that take the two channels into account separately. Together they explain most of the variation in overall profitability.     

Political Process and Widespread Protests in China: the 2010 labor protest

Existing studies of collective actions in China pay most attention to frequent but localized protests, but such protests are less likely to deeply drive China's political and social prospect. By contrast, widespread protests are more likely to affect the Chinese Communist Party's authority and policies once they emerge. The goal of this article is thus to probe the conditions under which a widespread protest can happen in China today. This article proposes four necessary conditions grounded in the political process model and tests them by explaining the successful outbreak of the 2010 labor protest. Identifying these conditions helps us understand and predict the political and social development of China.     

农民工工伤维权中完善立法之思考

农民工这一特定时期的特定群体与具有城市户口的工人在劳动保障、医疗保障等社会保障方面存在着极大差别,由于他们与用人单位很少签订劳动合同,导致其人身、财产权益侵害,寻求司法救济时困难重重,因此就农民工工伤维权中存在的诸多问题进行分析,从而提出完善立法,从制度上切实保障这一弱势群体的合法权益。