工会代表在场权引入及构建研究——美国温加滕权利述评及借鉴

近些年来,我国劳动立法有了巨大的进步,劳动者维权意识大大增强.实践中,劳动者在受到用人单位的调查访谈可能会导致处分的不利境况下,如何维护自己的权利,是目前我国劳动立法的空白.美国劳动立法中用工会代表在场权解决了这一问题.介绍美国工会代表在场权的形成发展和具体内容,分析其背后成因和适用范围,结合美国经验以及我国具体国情,适当引入和构建这一权利对于更好的维护劳动者合法权益,有效遏制用人单位违规操作,应该是一个有益的尝试.     

美国行政管理和电子政务考察与思考

该文对美国行政管理的核心理念及电子政务的特点作了概括性的介绍和总结,并指出了目前电子政务尚存在的问题和今后改进的方向,最后结合美国行政管理与电子政府的经验,对我国的公安工作提出了四点建设。     

美国的社区警务战略及其启示

文章介绍了美国实行社区警务战略的背景、基本理念和原则,以及取得的成效。结合我国公安机关目前推行的社区警务工作,作者提出了可资借鉴的方面。     

美国政府公共管理的特点和启示

美国的公共管理制度有其显著特点,分析并揭示美国公共管理的基本理念、主要方式和特点,结合我国国情,借鉴美国经验,是促进我国政府公共管理健康发展的有效途径。     

论我国会计信息质量特征体系的构建

会计信息质量特征就是会计信息所应达到或满足的基本质量要求,它是会计系统为达到会计目标而对会计信息的约束。目前,各国对会计信息质量特征的研究都表现出极大的关注。显然,结合我国国情,构建我国会计信息的质量特征也十分必要。本文将结合国际会计准则委员会和美国财务会计准则委员会关于会计信息质量特征这一问题上的意见,以及我国有关会计信息质量特征方面的规定,在吸取其中的优点的基础上,构建适合我国国情的会计信息质量特征体系。     

美国“精明增长”对我国城市空间扩展的启示

论述了目前国内外讨论比较多的"精明增长"(Smart Growth)产生的背景及其主要内涵,对我国城市空间扩展的具体情况进行了分析,并结合我国城市发展的具体情况,从美国城市蔓延的前车之鉴中得到教训,从城市发展策略和技术手法上将"精明增长"的理念用来指导我国城市发展的具体实践.     

惩罚性赔偿在环境侵权中的适用研究

环境侵权是一种特殊的侵权形式,对这种形式的侵权各国适用的救济方式各异,其中惩罚性赔偿是美国环境侵权司法中比较有特色的一项制度。本文正是基于环境侵权的特殊性,重点研究美国的惩罚性赔偿制度,介绍此制度在美国环境侵权中的适用现状,分析其适用条件,并结合案例探究确定惩罚性赔偿金额时需要考虑的因素。在此基础上,提出本制度在目前遇到的一些问题及其解决之道。希望能对我国的环境侵权纠纷处理提供些许参考素材。     

总体国家安全观下美国战略情报思想对我国反恐战略的启示

美国战略情报思想源于20世纪40年代,其中影响最大的是谢尔曼·肯特出版的专著《服务于美国世界政策的战略情报》。如今战略早已超出了传统军事战略的层面,战略定义的扩大使情报的定义摆脱了狭隘的军事情报观念。针对我国目前的反恐工作形势,该文从影响我国反恐战略制定的因素、总体国家安全观下对反恐战略提出的新要求等方面,论述了美国战略情报思想对我国反恐战略的启示,以期能为我国目前的反恐工作带来一些裨益。     

关于供给学派减税理论的实践效果的评析及其启示

在二十世纪八十年代,美国在里根执政时期,实施了供给学派的减税理论,其政策效果当时争议较大。根据目前已经公布一些经济数据,本文对供给学派减税理论的实践效果进行了分析,并结合我国国情,提出了实施“中国式”的供给学派减税政策建议。     

能源危机与资源效率提升能力建设研究

人类经济的发展史．也是一部能源的消耗史。改革开放以来．我国经济在迅猛发展的同时也消耗了巨大的能源，目前我国已超过美国成为世界第一大能源消耗国。煤炭、石油、电力等不可再生能源频频告急，根本原因是我国资源利用率较低，能源与资源、环境和社会发展的矛盾日益突出，从而阻碍了中国经济的可持续发展。本文从改变经济结构、产业结构、能源结构等方面，寻求企业经济效益、能源效益和环境效益的最佳结合，走可持续、协调发展的道路．发展循环经济从而提高资源效率，推动经济和环境的共同发展。     

The Taiwan Problem in the Second George W. Bush Administration—US officials' views and their implications for US policy

The behavior of Taiwan leaders and people in 2003–2004 raised the salience of Taiwan's assertive movement toward permanent independence for US policy makers. No longer did US officials responsible for assessing cross-Strait relations and their implications for US policy take it for granted that such assertiveness and moves toward independence would be held in check by the mainstream opinion in Taiwan, previously but no longer viewed as pragmatic by US decision makers. In response to the new situation, US policy makers intervened in Taiwan politics, trying to channel Taiwan assertiveness along lines less likely to lead to war with China. US interventions were widely seen to have had a moderating effect on the Taiwan elite and public opinion in the lead-up to the December 2004 legislative election that resulted in a significant setback for President Chen Shui-bian's push toward greater independence. Taiwan's political opposition leaders pursued high-level contacts with China. Chinese leaders warmly welcomed the Taiwan opposition leaders who renounced Taiwan independence. However, Taiwan politics remained sharply divided over cross-Strait issues, with President Chen unwilling to renounce Taiwan independence or accept a version of the so-called one China principle seen by China as a prerequisite for improved relations with the Taiwan government. President Bush and other US officials encouraged both governments to show greater flexibility in order to promote dialogue that would reduce misunderstanding and ease tensions. The uncertain outlook for cross-Strait relations included the possibility of talks, improved relations, and agreements on managing cross-Strait tensions between the Taiwan and Chinese governments. On the other hand, the impasse between China and Taiwan could deepen. The Bush administration appeared to have settled on a policy that endeavored to deter China from using force against Taiwan and deter Taiwan from taking provocative steps toward independence. The main alternatives to this approach seemed less acceptable to US policy makers under prevailing conditions, suggesting that US policy is likely to persist with a dual deterrence policy for the rest of President Bush's term in office.     

China Investment Corporation’s Forays into Europe and the United States: explaining the different receptions

This study analyses the changing investment climates for China’s sovereign wealth fund, the China Investment Corporation (CIC), in the US, the UK and France. It assesses legislative flexibilities, public opinions and macroeconomic conditions in the three polities in order to ascertain whether the investment review process of each is susceptible to politicization, and if such susceptibility has changed in line with macroeconomic variations. The study finds that the US investment review process is susceptible to politicization and that such politicization has likely taken place following the recovery from the global financial crisis, resulting in a worsened investment climate for Chinese investors, including CIC. The investment review processes in the UK and France have not been susceptible to politicization. Moreover, negative macroeconomic conditions for each of the two countries following the eruption of the Eurozone crisis have resulted in an improved investment climate for CIC, although brought about by the proactive stance of governments and companies rather than by any de-politicization.     

US‐China relations and the Taiwan factor

With the diplomatic warming of US‐China relations, the recent resumption of the Koo — Wang meeting and Taiwan's elections for legislators, mayors, and city councilors, cross‐Taiwan Strait relations are at another historical turning point. While the improvement of US‐China relations tends to relieve both sides from rhetoric exchanges of ‘China threat’ and ‘US‐Taiwan conspiracy’, Clinton's oral declaration of the ‘Three No's’ has raised serious concerns in Taiwan. With such a background, a group of experts and policy‐making participants from the US, Taiwan and Mainland China gathered again at a conference on ‘US‐China Relations and the Taiwan Factor’ in Washington, DC in mid‐October 1998. This was the second episode in a series of symposia on US‐China relations sponsored by the Association of Chinese Political Studies (ACPS). The symposium attempts to provide a free, intimate, and long‐term forum for a group of influential experts with different perspectives from the US, Taiwan and Mainland China. As a result, a deep understanding of common interests has been reached and clear differences have also been recognized through direct dialogue and frank exchange of ideas.     

US–China Energy Relations and Energy Institution Building in the Asia–Pacific

Although China and the US are starting their fourth decade of energy cooperation, it is only recently that there has been a concerted US effort to create a framework for US–China bilateral energy relations. The past 30 years have witnessed many successful energy projects that have lacked follow through and institutionalization, often becoming ‘one-off’ exercises that duplicated previous projects. Recent initiatives intend to establish long-term linkages between US and Chinese energy bureaucracies, linking energy efficiency, energy security, and environmental issues. The US is nesting the bilateral relationship in global and Asia–Pacific multilateral energy and environmental regimes, and is also using bilateral agreements as mechanisms to promote domestic energy and environmental reform. This paper will examine US–China relations in the Asia–Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate and the Five-Country Energy Ministerial.     

Chinese Perceptions of US Return to Southeast Asia and the Prospect of China's Peaceful Rise

This article systematically examines the perceptual dimension of US–China–ASEAN relations. It specifically focuses on Chinese perceptions of American intentions in Southeast Asia, Chinese perceptions of the impact on China of the US's return to Southeast Asia, and suggestions of the Chinese scholarly community as to how China should respond to the US's return. Chinese scholars believe that the US returns to Southeast Asia for a variety of reasons and one of the most important is to manage the rise of China, and that the US's return has both positive and negative impacts on China's interests and the negative impact outweighs the positive. Overall, Chinese perceptions of the US return, especially Chinese scholars’ suggested response, indicate that Chinese scholars have internalized the strategy of peaceful rise which would give us added confidence that China is seriously committed to this strategy. If both the US and China stick to their relevant commitments, the rise of China, unlike that of most great powers in the past, would quite likely be peaceful.     

External Contradictions of the Chinese Development Model: export-led growth and the dangers of global economic contraction

China's development model faces an external constraint that could cause an economic hard landing. China has become a global manufacturing powerhouse, and its size now renders its export-led growth strategy unsustainable. China relies on the US market, but the scale of its exports is contributing to the massive US trade deficit, creating financial fragility and undermining the US manufacturing sector. These developments could stall the US economy's expansion, in turn triggering a global recession that will embrace China. This is the external constraint. These considerations suggest that China should transition from export-led growth to domestic demand-led growth. This requires growing the economy's demand side as well as its supply-side. To avoid stalling the US economic expansion, which is critical to China's growth, China should significantly revalue its currency as part of a generalized East Asian upward currency revaluation. Longer term, China should raise wages and improve income distribution. Under export-led growth, higher wages undermine employment. Under domestic demand-led growth, they support it. The challenge is to raise wages in an efficient decentralized manner. History shows that this requires independent democratic trade unions. However, such unions are currently unacceptable to the Chinese political leadership. Creating a domestic demand-led growth regime therefore requires solving this political roadblock.     

Discussion of 'US Global Strategy in the Post-Cold War Era'

This response to Jin Canrong's paper about US post-Cold War global strategy focuses on the concerns of both authors that the current 'three pillars strategy' is a source of growing tension in PRC‐US relations, leading to Chinese perceptions that ideological factors (US idealism) are playing a bigger role in US policymaking. Despite this, Jannuzi searches for common ground, focusing on issues areas, such as Cambodia, where China has found US idealism to be useful and helpful. He argues also that, as China joins more international treaties and regimes, Chinese and American interests will start to converge, although he concedes that the Kosovo intervention has caused ambivalence in China about unrestrained US 'idealism'.     

North Korea End-Game or Mid-Game? Some scenarios and their implications for US–China relations

North Korea looms large as a challenge for the United States and China. US–China cooperation in working to deal with the challenge of North Korea is often held up as an example of constructive engagement between Washington and Beijing. Nevertheless, North Korea has the potential to generate discord or even conflict between the United States and China. This paper considers several possible scenarios for North Korea and evaluates the implications of each for the US–China relationship.     

The impact and clash of ideologies: Sino‐US relations from a historical perspective

Sino‐US relations over the last 100 years have been heavily affected by the ideological and cultural traditions of both sides; but the impact of ideas on each other has by no means been an even interaction. At the turn of the century when China and the US encountered each other, their destinies took opposite trajectories. While the US saw its dream of national greatness fulfilled with the continuous rise of its national power, China witnessed the sharp downfall from the peak of its self‐perception as the great central kingdom. Ever since then, all progressive intellectuals and reformers took inspiration from western ideas of democracy and freedom, while struggling at the same time against oppression and exploitation by western powers. These two aspects constitute the basic aspirations of the Chinese nation as a whole, which was summed up as ‘anti‐feudalism and anti‐imperialism’. One of the basic urges of Americans of all sorts in dealing with China throughout the years was to influence, educate and change China to its like. However, in front of Chinese revolutionary movments with democratic rights as part of their aims, the US government policies more than often favored the conservative or reactionary rulers. Meanwhile, the development of China takes its own course beyond the control of the US. Yet, under different circumstances, neither side could help placing hopes on the other. As for rulers of different Chinese adminstrations, they wavered between seeking American support in China's economic development and diplomacy on the one hand, and fear and resentment of American cultural influence on the other. Anti‐communism entered the US foreign policy thinking ever since the Russian Revolution. But US relations with the Chinese Communist Party have not been hostile all the way through but have undergone twists and turns. The period of best relationship between the US and the PRC took place in the 1980s and underwent a sharp turn after the events of 1989. Leaving aside other factors, the age‐long cultural paradigm of unrealistic hopes on each other, hence drastic disappointment, played a certain role. At present, The mentality of the bulk of Chinese including young students have also undergone a great change from the pre‐1989 period. The admiration for the US has receded and a certain degree of resentment of American pressure on China is on the rise. The pursuit of a strong and prosperous China remains the common and deep‐rooted national aspiration prevailing among Chinese of all ages and social strata and in this they identify themselves more with the government vs. foreign pressure, whatever their views on other subjects. The ideological aspect of difficulties in Sino‐US relations is not likely to go away in the foreseeable future and much wisdom is needed to handle it properly.     

US 'Dual Track' Policy: Arms sales and technology transfer to China mainland and Taiwan

This article analyzes the United States 'dual track' policy on arms sales and technology transfers to the China mainland and Taiwan. Despite its 'one China' policy, the US has continued to sell arms to Taiwan and provide Taiwan with military technology. At the same time, Washington is unwilling to transfer certain technology to the China mainland. The US 'dual track' policy of arms sales and technology transfer to both sides of the Taiwan Strait has maintained a strategic balance by developing closer relations with Beijing while maintaining the security of the Republic of China on Taiwan. Washington's objectives are to enhance Sino‐American relations and to maintain Taiwan's security while not unsettling the generally positive Sino‐American relationship. While this policy has caused tensions in US‐PRC relations, this 'unbalanced balance' has served US interests in maintaining Taiwan's security and has not strained Washington‐Beijing relations to the breaking point.