增进互信,深化合作,迎接中欧关系更加美好的明天——在欧洲政策中心举办的欧洲智库媒体交流会上的演讲

尊敬的范龙佩主席,女士们,先生们,很高兴再次来到欧洲的心脏布鲁塞尔,同各位新老朋友进行交流。2019年即将过去。这一年,是中欧关系取得丰硕成果的一年。中欧按期完成地理标志协定谈判,签署两份航空合作协定,“带路”与欧亚互联互通对接也在顺利推进。双方还就加强全球治理、坚持多边主义、维护自由贸易等重大问题达成广泛共识,向世界发出中欧共同维护国际秩序,应对全球挑战的明确信号。     

Securing Economic Relations Across the Taiwan Straits: New challenges and opportunities

Cross-Taiwan Straits economic interaction is a political as well as an economic issue. General trends of economic interdependence and globalization that are weakening the role of the nation state should promote a focus of shared 'civilian governance' between Taiwan and mainland China. WTO entry will provide opportunities as well as challenges for cross-Strait economic relations. In anticipation of this dynamic, the new government in Taiwan is attempting to design a new national security web to guarantee Taiwan's 'economic security' in coping with Taiwan's increasing economic dependence on mainland China. As one key agent of globalization, economic cooperation in the urban areas on both sides of the Taiwan Strait may potentially improve relations between Taiwan and mainland China. As decentralization and privatization on mainland China proceed, major cities have developed closer interaction and systems of accountability with the civil society. From a prudent perspective, developing functional cooperation between Taiwan and mainland China at the urban level could be a first substantial step to confidence building between these two economies.     

The Missing Link in Sino–Latin American Relations

The growing economic presence of China around the world is a widely recognized reality. China's expanding economic relations with other developing countries have generated both positive and negative reactions. Many believe that the increasing economic ties between China and these countries will enhance China's political influence and encourage political cooperation between China and other countries in the Global South. How strong is the economic–political link? This article examines this question in the context of Sino–Latin American relations in recent years. It finds that thus far China's expanding economic relations with the region have not had a significant spillover effect into the political realm. The article provides preliminary explanations of the missing link between the economic and the political. It calls for more nuanced ways to apply familiar international relations paradigms to understanding the implications of the rise of China.     

中国--东盟自由贸易区的建立对广西与东盟经贸关系的影响及对策

中国--东盟自由贸易区将建立,广西与东盟国家的经贸合作关系面临机遇和挑战,要以自贸区为平台,抓住合作环境改善、经贸投资地域和领域扩大等机遇,克服产品竞争力弱等不利因素,运用经贸对象和领域的合理选择、投资策略的调整等办法,推动双方经贸合作关系不断发展.     

Searching for Common Interests between China and Japan: a Chinese view

Most of the conflicts and problems in Sino–Japanese relations have their roots in two main issues: the history of World War II and the status of Taiwan. And the historical and the Taiwan issues have been exacerbated by other disputes such as competing territorial claims, ownership of oil and gas fields in the East China Sea, and the location of the planned Siberian pipeline. In spite of these conflicts and frictions, it must be noted that there are broad common interests between China and Japan. Firstly, the Chinese and Japanese economies are highly complementary. Secondly, China and Japan working together to promote regional economic cooperation in Asia has important significance for peace and stability in the entire Asia–Pacific region. Thirdly, in the political and diplomatic arena, room for cooperation is even broader. The imminent issue at present is to seek an appropriate solution to the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. There is both a need and a possibility for closer Sino–Japanese relations in spite of real difficulties and potential clashes. Current Sino–Japanese relations have unprecedented hopes, which particularly require people to view and handle the Sino–Japanese relations from a strategic height and in a long-term perspective. Friendly coexistence and win–win cooperation are the only right choices in line with the fundamental interests both of China and Japan.     

US–China Energy Relations and Energy Institution Building in the Asia–Pacific

Although China and the US are starting their fourth decade of energy cooperation, it is only recently that there has been a concerted US effort to create a framework for US–China bilateral energy relations. The past 30 years have witnessed many successful energy projects that have lacked follow through and institutionalization, often becoming ‘one-off’ exercises that duplicated previous projects. Recent initiatives intend to establish long-term linkages between US and Chinese energy bureaucracies, linking energy efficiency, energy security, and environmental issues. The US is nesting the bilateral relationship in global and Asia–Pacific multilateral energy and environmental regimes, and is also using bilateral agreements as mechanisms to promote domestic energy and environmental reform. This paper will examine US–China relations in the Asia–Pacific Partnership on Clean Development and Climate and the Five-Country Energy Ministerial.     

The Lion and the Dragon: A view on Singapore‐China relations

This paper starts with some observations about developments of the post-Cold War era and their impact on Sino‐ASEAN and Sino‐Singaporean relations. It then surveys the relations between Singapore and China in the 1990s. The focus is on the establishment of official ties in 1990 and the economic interactions between the two sides in the last decade. Having surveyed the relations, the paper examines some of the problems for the promotion of closer cooperation. It notes the difference in the working style of both sides. In this regard, it deals specifically with the Suzhou Industrial Park and highlights the lessons that could be drawn from such a joint venture. The paper concludes by noting that Sino‐Singaporean cooperation has been broadened to include defence, cultural and educational exchanges and the relationship will be more realistic and mature in the twenty-first century.     

新中国成立以来社会主义民族关系特征的历史演进

新中国成立以来,社会主义初级阶段民族关系特征伴随着新中国的发展而在内容和特征上不断完善。从新中国成立初期提出的平等、团结、友爱、合作为特征的民族关系,到改革开放初期平等、团结、互助、合作的民族关系,再到20世纪90年代提出的平等互助、团结合作、共同繁荣的民族关系,最后形成了新世纪新阶段平等、团结、互助、和谐的民族关系,走过了不同寻常的历程。     

两岸政经互动：理论探索与路径选择

2008年5月以来,两岸双方在反对“台独”、坚持“九二共识”的政治基础上,开创了和平发展的新局面。两岸政治关系有所改善,经济关系突飞猛进,然而两岸政治关系的相对滞后已明显妨碍到两岸经济关系的进一步深化。在两岸关系步人“深水区”之后,两岸双方应积极采取有效措施,维护巩固“一中框架”,加强法律制度建设,开启政治对话进程,深化媒体交流合作,努力推进两岸政治关系与经济关系的良性互动,为巩固与深化两岸关系和平发展提供有力保障。     

Cooperation and Healthy Competition

There is potential for China and the United States to work together in many areas and improve global governance. Competition is not an obstacle as long as it is healthy. This was the message from a webinar, Reset and Reshape—China-U.S. Relations and Global Governance, held on March 12. Hosted by Beijing Review, the event was attended by experts on China-U.S. relations from both countries. This is an edited excerpt from what they said。     

China and Maritime Cooperation in East Asia: recent developments and future prospects

Future international relations in East Asia are likely to be largely shaped by the maritime strategies and policies of various actors. This paper examines China's policy and behavior in maritime cooperation in the East Asian region in recent years, a topic that has been insufficiently understood. I suggest that while it is necessary and useful to take into account China's naval power, more attention to Chinese intentions and policy on East Asian maritime issues is warranted to arrive at a more balanced, and arguably more accurate, understanding of China's role in East Asian maritime affairs. This paper takes stock of China's changing perceptions, attitudes, and behaviors in maritime cooperation in the region. I describe China's new policy moves in the South China Sea and East China Sea. I also address some of the major Chinese concerns for further maritime cooperation in East Asia. I conclude that while a grand cooperative maritime regime is still not possible from a Chinese perspective, China is likely to agree to more extensive and substantive maritime cooperation in many functional areas, most notably in the non-traditional security arena.     

大西南联合参与澜沧江-湄公河次区域经济合作的探讨

澜沧江-湄公河次区域经济合作是我国全方位、多层次、宽领域对外开放格局的一个重要组成部分,也是我国实施西部大开发的一个重要内容,必将成为21世纪初叶中国与东南亚、南亚国家进行区域合作与交流的国家发展战略.我国西南各省区市联合参与澜沧江-湄公河次区域经济合作有利于西部大开发战略的实施,还有利于推进西南地区开放式发展格局的形成,加速与国际经济接轨.     

China–Africa Cooperation: promises,practice and prospects

Chinese engagement in African states has increased tremendously over the last decade, much in line with Chinese globalisation strategies and supported by state encouragement and financial support. The size and potential of China as a world power leads to the level of expectations the country faces from the developing world. However, some elements of these expectations are also created through political discourses which emphasise differences with Western countries. The types of promises that the Chinese leadership makes to create such enthusiastic welcome amongst African political leaders are linked closely to the discourse on South–South cooperation. Albeit different from Western development assistance promises and parallel attempts to produce moderate expectations, the current discourse is thus partly sowing the seeds for future disappointment. This article takes a closer look at the discussions around South–South cooperation in China–Africa relations and at key rhetorical features (‘mutual benefit’; ‘non-interference’) and at the practice of this cooperation. It concludes that the Chinese discourse is creating large public expectations in African countries and while China delivers on many projects, its impact on development is less certain. The overall development success of this strategy builds on longer-term success and is implicitly linked to the occurrence of more reforms in Africa. Chinese policy thus ‘bets on the future’ in their foreign relations with Africa; the success of this strategy is dependent on political circumstances among the partners that are largely beyond Chinese control. In a number of cases, it can thus be expected that currently up-beat political rhetoric is going to meet obstacles that will require adjustments in a discourse that, in its current form, might undermine Chinese credibility if not the core elements of South–South cooperation altogether.     

把握两岸关系和平发展的主题造福两岸同胞

我们将继续按照先易后难、先经后政、循序渐进的思路,深化两岸经济合作,促进两岸文教交流,扩大两岸各界交往,稳步推进两岸关系.两岸关系得以实现历史性转折并取得一系列重要进展,关键在于两岸双方就反对"台独"、坚持"九二共识"达成了一致,建立了互信,形成了良性互动.两岸应当继续在此基础上求同存异,巩固和增进互信.     

大国协调:21世纪大国关系的主旋律——兼论中国在大国协调中的作用

近代国际体系建立以来,大国始终占有独特的地位。特定历史时期大国的战略走向及其相互关系在某种程度上决定着人类的前途和命运。当今大国关系发生了重大变化,走向合作、协调是时代发展的主旋律。全球化的大背景下,国际形势的发展越来越把世界各大国拉到了一起,大国之间不应是敌人和对手,而应是合作共赢的伙伴。各大国唯有合作、协调,积极参与全球治理,方能应对共同面临的全球性问题。正在实现伟大民族复兴的中国将在国际舞台上扮演举足轻重的角色,在增进大国协调共创和谐世界的伟业中发挥独特的作用。     

厦漳泉同城化背景下厦金合作析论

厦漳泉同城化在建设闽南大都市区、推进闽南金三角区域经济一体化的同时，也对区域社会整合发展、生态环境协同治理与保护提供新契机。而作为区域核心城市的厦门，则负有带动大都市区域经济集聚发展、引领区域社会转型发展和生态文明建设的责任。值此背景下，“厦金合作”将拥有更广阔的腹地支撑和发展纵深，同时也应赋予更高的发展立意：不只是经济合作诉求，还应着力在社会、文化、环境等方面的多元推进。厦漳泉同城化为厦金合作提供了新的作为空间，也为其提供了可资借鉴的实践路径———以同城化理念贯穿厦金合作，推进“厦金同城化”，进而“厦漳泉金同城化”。这一新思路，对于促进海西建设和两岸关系和平发展都具有重要的战略价值和现实意义。     

政府与社区组织:从纵向控制到横向互动——基于交易费用视角的考察

在讨论社区组织与政府的关系问题上 ,已有文献大多从社会关系的角度来讨论 ,忽视组织成本的影响。实际上 ,组织之间的联系存在着明显的交易费用问题。交易费用是影响组织分工的一个重要变量。论文从交易费用的角度探讨了社区组织与政府组织在科层组织系统内部实行分工协作的可能性和实现性 ,提出了社区组织与政府之间的分工协作关系以及由此所形成的委托代理关系。提出了社区组织与政府之间的委托代理基本模式     

两岸非传统安全合作的SWOT分析与策略

随着两岸关系的改善和两岸民间交流加速发展,增进了两岸彼此了解,建立与巩固了两岸互信,却也衍生了非传统安全因素,如跨境犯罪、传染疾病和食品安全等对两岸关系的影响.出于两岸非传统安全问题的多元性、跨界性和议题主导性,在其解决上,更体现了两岸合作的重要性.本文采用SWOT方法对两岸非传统安全合作的优势、劣势、机会和威胁进行分析,剖析了两岸非传统安全合作的现状、不足和未来发展趋势,并提出相应的策略.     

关于中美经贸磋商的中方立场

前言中美经贸关系是两国关系的“压舱石”和“推进器”,事关两国人民根本利益,事关世界繁荣与稳定。两国建交以来,双边经贸关系持续发展,合作领域不断拓宽,合作水平不断提高,形成了高度互补、利益交融的互利共贏关系,不仅两国受益,而且惠及全球。     

从人民币汇率制度改革看中美关系的前景

经济全球化背景下中美关系的纷争不可能回避货币汇率制度。近年来在人民币汇率制度改革过程中,中美两国政府的多重多次博弈,展现出中美关系中合作与冲突的鲜明特征。只有理性地分析中美两国间的利益与分歧,才能在有限的冲突中达成合作。