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1.
府际权限争议意指不同国家行政机关间因行政职权的积极行使或消极不行使而与其它行政机关之间发生的法律争议。当代中国,府际权限争议具有争议主体多元性、争议事项宽泛化、争议表现公开化、争议危害社会性、争议原因利益化、争议内容法律化等现实特征。府际权限争议的产生原因是复杂的,立法缺陷是其产生的最深层次原因。  相似文献   

2.
李怀泽 《公安研究》2009,(12):81-88
从世界警务战略发展演进看,警民关系是推进警务发展的内在动力。和谐警民关系包括权力义务关系、合作伙伴关系、友好人际关系三个要件。影响警民和谐的因素很多,国家权威碎裂化和利益格局复杂化是最主要的外部因素。和谐警民关系的实质是警民之间形成的一种理想的秩序结构,构建这种理想秩序结构的关键要素是合理的组织目标设计、高效廉洁警队和有效沟通。  相似文献   

3.
利益结构、行政发展及其相互关系是中国在转型期必须面对的重要问题。本文着重研究和探讨行政发展对利益结构的作用和影响 ,并重点指出 :国家政权 ,行政方针、措施和指导思想 ,行政无序现象 ,利益激励制度安排的不合理 ,以及政府缺陷都会对利益结构的形成和变迁发生根本性的影响。主张通过行政发展来解决存在的问题 ,形成合理有序的利益结构。  相似文献   

4.
农村治理的法治化实质是一种制度变迁,是以一整套融入了现代法治理念的法律治理机制取代传统农村内生制度的过程。在现代农村治理的多元主体中,作为国家政权在农村的代理人、国家法律在农村的执行者、农村居民利益的代言人,基层政府主导农村治理责无旁贷。目前的农村法治化治理面临着立法缺陷与主导法治的尴尬相伴相随、政治权威与法治权威的欠缺同时并存、乡镇行政与村民自治的冲突始终存在、国家法律与民间习俗的融合任重道远等困境。破解困局,要转变政府职能,将基层政府从千头万绪的压力型体制中解脱出来;整合农村资源,形成推动农村法治发展的整体合力;扎实推进农村普法,培养农村居民的现代法律意识。  相似文献   

5.
基层社会治理一直是关涉党执政的社会基础和国家政权根基稳固的重大问题。本文基于政党在国家与社会关系中的功能定位以及当代中国党、国家和社会的权力组织结构提出了"多层次整合"的分析框架,以此来概括新时代基层社会治理中党的行动逻辑。通过对北京市党建引领"街乡吹哨、部门报到"的创新实践考察,发现:党为了解决其在基层社会中悬浮化、无根化的困境,构建了以党的领导为轴心体系,具有纵向多层级、横向广辐射特点的立体化权力网络。凭借这样的权力网络,党实现了对行政力量和社会力量的多层次有机整合。具体包括:向内整合,增强基层党组织对于各级行政力量的渗透;向外整合,强化基层党组织对于各级社会力量的吸纳;向下整合,加强基层党组织对于广大群众的融入。最终,实现党、国家与社会在基层社会的有机协调,形成共生共强的格局。  相似文献   

6.
扼制行政立法“部门利益”倾向的几点设想   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
刘伟 《人大研究》2004,(5):38-39
行政立法“部门利益”倾向是指某些行政部门利用其掌握的国家立法资源,在协助国家制定行政法规时,在法规中过分强调本部门的权力和利益,力图通过立法来维护、巩固和扩大本部门的各种职权;同时尽可能地减轻和弱化本部门应当承担的责任与义务,概括起来就是:行政权力部门化,部门利益法规化。行政立法“部门利益”倾向的危害是显而易见的。首先,它破坏了法制的统一。由部门利益驱动的权力扩张和部门权力争执,使得行政立法在膨胀中趋向混乱,破坏了法律体系的等级有序、协调一致,损害了法治的权威和尊严。其次,它背离了法治精神。行政部门超出通过…  相似文献   

7.
陈超 《传承》2015,(2):42-45
当前,党在社会整合过程中面临腐败易发多发、利益诉求复杂化、价值观念多样化、政治参与扩大化的严峻挑战。对此,党要适应社会生态变迁,巩固执政权威;适应价值观念多元,推进价值融合;适应社会分化现实,加强利益整合。  相似文献   

8.
行政指挥是行政领导在执行政策过程中,按照既定的目标和计划,对下属和群众所进行的动员和指导活动。如从企业管理的角度上看,指挥的目的是为了整个企业的利益,从该单位全体人员中取得最大的效果。对于任何一个单位、一个团体、一个国家来说,指挥者的角色都是非常重要的,这是权威与服从的关系。在行政决策已经做出,计划、方案已确立,责权利均已划定的情况下,只有行政指挥,才能把行政管理从静态推向动态,从观念变为行动。因而指挥可以被看作行政实施的发动机,它可以使各种行政管理资源得到充分的开发和利用。行政指挥能力对实施行政目标的实现…  相似文献   

9.
村庄解体是共同体权威基础的解构而造成村庄规则与秩序的散失。缺乏权威基础的村庄权力主体必然得不到成员多数的长久合法性认同,这种权力体系下构建的村庄规则与秩序也将是形同虚设,村庄共同体不可避免地会面临解体的威胁。村庄的重新整合需要的是重构与共同体利益相关联的权威基础,也只有这样村庄才能够被整合成一个有秩序的共同体,从而降低国家在村庄治理过程中的成本,提高所投入资源的利用效率。  相似文献   

10.
在社会转型中,政治权威起着十分重要的推动、主导、协调、稳定和秩序整合的作用。就中国而言,后发型现代化的特殊历史条件和超大规模的社会状况,以及近代中国社会所面临的国家领导力量严重衰败和国家严重分裂的两大危机,使得政治权威获得的意义比其他国家更为重要。因此,一个强有力的中央权威的存在,是中国社会稳定、连续性、前进性的基石。然而,中央权威在民国初期一直处于不断式微、断裂的状态,这构成了民初共和政治的脆性,而民初宪政框架中所存在的结构张力以及地方实力派的坐大,引发了中央权力严重的内部流散,最终导致了中央权威的断裂和危机。  相似文献   

11.
Corruption has been classically defined as the misuse of public authority for private gain, which implies that corruption necessarily involves official authority and hence public officials. Bribery, however, often involves transactions between officials and private interests, including business interests, whereby the private party seeks to bend public authority to their advantage by paying off their official interlocker. Even in its classic form, therefore, corruption often spans both the public and the private. Public officials are not, however, alone in exercising authority. Managers and corporate officers also wield authority or fiduciary responsibility on behalf of others and can abuse that authority for private gain, not only in transactions involving public officials, but also in transactions with private parties. This article examines how China's anti-corruption institutions have dealt with ‘commercial corruption’, including both public-to-private corruption and private-to-private corruption. It also examines the linkages between organized crime and corruption in China.  相似文献   

12.
当今国际社会存在对官员从严整治的趋势,但是我国却长期存在渎职侵权犯罪轻刑化的现象,这不单是与国际潮流不相符合,也与我国的刑法基本原则和宽严相济的刑事政策相冲突.作为公权力的行使代表,国家机关工作人员理应严格按照法律规定来行使权力,维护人民和国家利益,践行作为公仆的职责.所以,国家应当秉持从严治官的思想,遏制职务犯罪轻刑化的趋势,维护法律威严.  相似文献   

13.
试论政策执行中的政府利益   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
王国红 《桂海论丛》2004,20(3):47-49
作为政策执行主体的政府,客观上存在着与公共利益不同的自身利益。政府利益的存在及其冲突是导致政策执行偏差的重要原因。对政府利益进行合理的整合与规范是保证政策有效执行的重要途径。  相似文献   

14.
Suisheng Zhao 《当代中国》2013,22(82):535-553
This paper revisits the debate about foreign policy implications of Chinese nationalism in the context of China's increasingly confrontational and assertive behavior in recent years. It argues that while the Chinese government made effective efforts to control popular nationalism and Chinese foreign policy was therefore not dictated by emotional nationalistic rhetoric before 2008, it has become more willing to follow the popular nationalist calls to take a confrontational position against the Western powers and to adopt tougher measures in maritime territorial disputes with its neighbors. This strident turn is partially because the government is increasingly responsive to public opinion, but more importantly because of the convergence of Chinese state nationalism and popular nationalism calling for a more muscular Chinese foreign policy. Enjoying an inflated sense of empowerment supported by its new quotient of wealth and military capacities, and terrified of an uncertain future due to increasing social, economic and political tensions at home, the communist state has become more willing to play to the popular nationalist gallery in pursuing the so-called core national interests. These developments have complicated China's diplomacy, creating a heated political environment to harden China's foreign policy.  相似文献   

15.
治理是谋求经济发展和社会全面进步的权力由政府向市民社会回归的行为。社会资本是市民社会中的契约性规则。现代科技的发展和全球化使社会资本扩展到国际领域。社会资本作为博弈规则,其实现公共利益的过程就是全球治理的过程,它使全球治理最终得以实现。  相似文献   

16.
《当代中国》2009,18(61):617-637
China's non-intervention policy has long been criticized for prolonging the rule of many authoritarian regimes. Myanmar has become one of the classic examples. As China is expected to become a responsible great power, her behavioral patterns have aroused many concerns. This paper aims to re-interpret China's non-intervention policy. While explaining various constraints on China's capability to intervene in the Myanmar government, it shows how China is making efforts to seek a new intervention policy in dealing with countries like Myanmar. It argues that China's insistence on a non-intervention policy does not mean that China does not want to influence other countries such as Myanmar. To assess Chinese leverage and its non-intervention policy toward Myanmar as well as to supplement the current limited academic discussion on Sino–Myanmar relations, in this paper we first examine Chinese leverage in Myanmar through Burmese local politics, such as the power struggle between the central government and local rebel governments. Second, we disaggregate the Chinese interests in Myanmar into different levels (regional, geo-strategic and international) and discuss how these interests affect China's non-intervention policy. Third, we argue that China has indeed tried to intervene in Myanmar politics, but in a softer manner that contrasts with the traditional Western hard interventions, such as economic sanctions and military interference.  相似文献   

17.
The People's Republic of China witnessed unprecedented growth at the end of the twentieth century and the manner in which it will choose to use its consequent power in the twenty-first century has become a hotly debated topic in foreign policy circles. Some have chosen to interpret China's emergence as an economic and aspiring military superpower as a threat to the national interests of the United States and Asian-Pacific security. This threat has been categorized as ideological, economic, and strategic. This essay explores the China threat theory through an in-depth analysis of the arguments of 'anti-China hands' as outlined in a variety of right wing publications.  相似文献   

18.
法律是一种规则,适用是规则的生命,执行则是法律获得生命不可少的形式与途径,更是法律的目标与果实。然而,我国民事执行中被执行人规避执行行为日趋严重,规避手段复杂多样,使得权利人的合法利益难以实现,司法权威受到严重损害。为此,各级法院创新执行方法,积极探索被执行人信息查询系统等反规避执行的有效措施。这些措施的制度设计、具体实施及社会效果如何等一系列问题的准确把握与分析,对于完善我国反规避执行体制具有重要意义。  相似文献   

19.
党的十九大报告将"乡村振兴"提到了战略高度,在重视城乡融合的基础上推行农业农村优先发展。除吸引优秀人才返乡创业、返乡就业外,中国的乡村振兴战略还必须调动农村现有劳动力的积极性和创造性。但中国长期以来的工业化和城市化进程已经使流动人口与留守人口现象发生了很大的变化。流动人口的急剧增长和留守人口相对减少相辅相成。农村留守妇女在总体数量上已经大大减少,留守地也从农村转向乡镇乃至县城。概言之,现阶段的农村留守妇女是经过长期市场和政策筛选后的"剩余"群体,她们面临着更为沉重的照料负担、更为严峻的婚姻危机和更难启齿的疾病困扰。农村留守妇女的这些新特点和突出问题需要得到政府更有的放矢的关注和干预,使她们能够更好地参与到乡村振兴中来。  相似文献   

20.
The initial paragraphs of this article outline the broad themes of this special section, drawing attention to changing perceptions and definitions of corruption and to corruption prevention practices in Greater China. The remainder of the article focuses on a particular theme: the relationship between conflicts of interest and corruption in both theoretical terms and in its application in mainland China. Conflicts of interest are conceptualized as the incompatibility between the public interest associated with official duties and interests derived from the private domain. Such conflicts do not always necessarily lead to corruption and may be distinguished from it. By examining the way in which they are regulated in China, we argue that although an intricate web of rules has been established, regulations alone cannot guarantee ethically sound behaviour if there is no supportive value framework of like-minded civil servants. Rules require interpretation and if this discretion means that civil servants choose to follow an administrative culture and personal values that conflict with the regulations, they will have little effect. Hard rules may mean soft constraints.  相似文献   

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