地缘战略利益视角下的韩印关系及其影响

本文从地缘战略视角详细论述了冷战结束后韩、印两国在政治、安全和经济领域合作进程。印度"东向"战略与韩国的"新亚洲外交"战略逐步融合,极大地提升了印度在东亚地区的地位与影响力,在一定程度上弱化了中国在东亚地区的政治与经济影响力,客观上起到了对中国在南亚影响力提升的一种反制作用。     

印度的海洋战略及印美在印度洋的合作与矛盾

作为主要的印度洋国家,印度长期以来寻求一项确保自身安全和经济利益的大国海洋战略,它体现了印度立足南亚、面向印度洋、争做世界大国的战略图谋。冷战结束以来,特别是随着印度综合国力的发展以及追寻其“大国梦”的步骤加快,印度对印度洋的安全需求持续增大,将确保海洋战略利益、特别是保证印度洋海上石油通道的安全视为保护其基本国家战略利益的头等大事。鉴于印度洋对印度和美国的重要战略意义,印度在实施其海洋战略过程中既会与美国保持合作,同时也可能引发相互间的利益冲突。     

试析冷战后印度对非洲的外交政策

印度和非洲国家长期以来一直保持着密切的联系。冷战结束以后，随着国际体系和非洲形势的变革，印度对于非洲的政策出现了新的趋向。印度加强了与非洲在能源、经济、政治、军事等领域的合作。印度试图通过加强双边合作，旨在确保本国的能源安全、促成政治大国的目标实现以及巩固军事安全。     

试析2l世纪初印度的东南亚战略

从上个世纪90年代初开始,实行大国战略的印度就制定了初步的东南亚战略,进入21世纪以来,印度加大了推行东南亚战略的力度,在政治、经济、军事和安全等方面加强与东南亚国家的联系、交往与合作,为印度在亚太地区寻求更广阔的战略空间奠定了坚实的基础。     

印越关系发展及对南海问题的影响

印度与越南有传统的友好合作关系,但冷战结束后一度处于停滞状态。20世纪90年代末两国关系得以重启,各领域合作全面展开。近年来,印越双边安全合作有较大发展,尤其是印度高调介入南海争端,凸显其地区战略图谋,即对中国在印度洋和中印边界地区的战略举措进行牵制。但印度与越南的军事安全合作仍具有较大的局限性。     

印度"东向"的地缘、历史及认知变化分析

印度"东向"战略具有深刻的地缘和历史内涵。历史上,印度对东南亚的政治、语言、宗教和文化等方面都产生了深远影响,二战后更将东南亚视为对印度安全有重要影响的地区。但冷战期间,印度因自身实力、不结盟和冷战束缚,对东盟战略缺乏整体构想。冷战后,印度对东南亚认知发生根本变化,从国际战略、地缘、安全和经济等方面高度重视东盟,"东向"战略取得重大进展。不过,印度"东向"仍面临诸多因素制约。     

印度东进东南亚:新进展、动因及影响

冷战结束后,印度提出"向东看"政策,拉开东进东南亚的序幕。2014年,印度进一步提出"东向行动",深化与东南亚国家的政治、经济和安全合作,取得显著进展。印度深化与东南亚国家合作是在美国、日本等国推进"印太战略"和东南亚国家开展大国平衡外交的背景下展开的,主要是为了对冲中国推进"一带一路"倡议在南亚和印度洋地区产生的影响。印度与东南亚合作对地区的潜在影响较大,印度有可能成为东南亚地区又一重要战略力量,东亚地区秩序也可能随着相关国家"印太战略"的推进面临严峻挑战。中国应积极扩大与印度在东南亚的合作,拓展双方的共同利益。     

后冷战时期美国的新加坡政策及对华影响

后冷战时期美国的新加坡政策,是依据时代的不断变迁,特别是美国在东南亚地区既有的国家利益维护和拓展需求的基础上,在亚太战略布局的大框架下不断进行调整与完善的结果,其最直观、突出且典型的表现形态就是在军事安全领域加强与新加坡的协调与合作,经济贸易领域强化与新加坡的依赖与对接。该政策有明显对中国的防范与围堵意图。     

印以关系走势分析

冷战结束后,印度与以色列两国因军事和安全方面的相互需求,迅速建立了密切的合作关系。印以关系符合美国的南亚战略安排,对俄罗斯的南亚战略,以及巴基斯坦产生了重要的影响。但作为复杂国际关系中的一个单元,印以两国合作的前途并不乐观,美国的南亚战略、印美合作本身,以及伊印关系、印度与阿拉伯国家关系、印度国内政治等因素都构成了印度与以色列关系进一步深化的障碍。     

九十年代以来印度与新加坡经贸关系

前苏联的崩溃,冷战的结束,海湾战争的爆发,世界政治经济秩序的重新调整等一系列重大变革,使印度对外关系必须做出相应的调整。冷战后,印度与新加坡的政治经济关系有了令人瞩目的发展,印度的“东向”政策同新加坡“加强区域化投资”经济战略政策相互呼应,为双方经贸合作提供了坚实的基础。印新两国开展了广泛的经贸合作。了解并借鉴他们之间发展经贸关系的经验,对中国发展对印、对新的经贸关系大有益处。     

India-Singapore Bilateral Relations (1965–2012): The Role of Geo-Politics,Ideas, Interests,and Political Will

This paper is a critical historical analysis of the trajectory of geo-political and economic relations between India and Singapore. This paper argues that India’s perception of its interests and its geopolitical orientation towards the Cold War prevented India’s security and economic integration with Southeast Asia. Apart from geopolitics, the economic orientation of India was also a critical factor that influenced the trajectory of India – Singapore economic engagement. However, there was a dramatic change after the Cold War ended. The structural change from bi-polarity towards a unipolar moment transformed both geopolitics and economic engagement. Moreover, India’s own economic orientation had also changed by the end of the Cold War. In sum, this paper attempts to elucidate upon how ideas construct economic and political interests and how geopolitical interests, once constructed, drive economic relations.     

China and America: The Great Divergence?

While there have been many sources of tension in U.S.-China relations since the Cold War, they have been held in check generally by circumstances that have inclined the governments to cooperate. Yet, the relationship remains multi-faceted and fragile, and various frameworks and forecasts—like the contemporary “Great Divergence” framework, which speaks to the apparent disjunction between economic and security affairs—have proven to be incomplete and incorrect.     

Security Governance and Networks: New Theoretical Perspectives in Transatlantic Security

The end of the Cold War has not only witnessed the rise of new transnational threats such as terrorism, crime, proliferation and civil war; it has also seen the growing role of non-state actors in the provision of security in Europe and North America. Two concepts in particular have been used to describe these transformations: security governance and networks. However, the differences and potential theoretical utility of these two concepts for the study of contemporary security have so far been under-examined. This article seeks to address this gap. It proposes that security governance can help to explain the transformation of Cold War security structures, whereas network analysis is particularly useful for understanding the relations and interactions between public and private actors in the making and implementation of national and international security policies.     

冷战后老挝外交政策的特点及走向

冷战后,老挝外交政策表现出四个特点:由政治外交转向经济外交;重点发展与越南、中国等传统友好国家的关系;从地缘政治考虑,参与并扩大与东盟各国的合作;转向"全方位外交",增进与各大国的交往。今后老挝外交政策将围绕政治独立、经济发展、安全维护、地位提升等方面展开,以实现国家利益最大化。     

The Military and SocietyBeyond the Postmodern Era

The degree to which the international security environment had changed after the Cold War became evident with the attacks on September 11. As a result, military forces in the United States (and perhaps in the West generally) are evolving from their Cold War and immediate post-Cold War perspectives to confront transnational and subnational non-state dangers. These changes have significant implications for military professionalism and the relations between the military and society. They are explored through a modified “Postmodern Military” model, called here the “Hybrid” model.     

后冷战时期日本与东盟安全合作的演变

冷战时期日本和东盟间的经济合作为后冷战时代双方的安全合作奠定了物质基础。日本为了成为一个政治和军事大国,在安全上减少对美国的依赖并制衡迅速崛起的中国,在冷战后积极加强与东盟的安全合作。双方在传统和非传统安全方面都展开了深入的合作。而日美同盟及东盟对日防范心理则是双方安全合作的主要制约因素。     

Separable but not separate forces: NATO's development of the combined joint task force

This article argues that the Combined Joint Task Force has profoundly affected the European security architecture. The CJTF structure shifted the terms of the European security debate from whether NATO should have a role in the post‐Cold War world to how NATO should act in this new security environment. The CJTF therefore helped NATO to survive its post‐Cold War existential dilemma, and to emerge with the same level of cohesion and cooperation that it possessed during the Cold War.     

构建中国与土耳其新型战略合作关系

中国和土耳其两国在1971年建立外交关系,但在20世纪七八十年代冷战的背景下,中土关系处于一种低水平状态。冷战结束后,两国关系的发展出现了前所未有的势头。2010年10月,中国和土耳其宣布正式建立和发展战略合作关系。这种战略合作关系并非空洞的外交辞令,而是具有丰富的实质性内容。作为两个发展中的地区大国,中国和土耳其双方均着眼于未来,希望在国际舞台上发挥与各自政治、经济和军事力量相称的作用。在埃及、利比亚、叙利亚等阿拉伯国家发生剧烈动荡后,土耳其在中东地区的重要性更进一步凸显。随着中东和中亚在中国对外战略中地位的上升,土耳其在中国外交中的地位会更加重要。     

Dual engagement: France and the Persian Gulf

With the end of the Cold War international relations began anew without the bipolar constraints of two ideologically opposed superpowers. The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on 2 August 1990 represented the first challenge to the nascent post‐Cold War Persian Gulf security environment. Within the region, France is once again increasingly active in the economic, political and military fields. The re‐evaluation of Washington's ability to remain engaged at its current levels within the Gulf may be attributed in large part to a growing sensitivity in Riyadh and other Arab capitals to the visible US presence coupled with an American foreign policy which is, at times, inconsistent. The net future effect of contemporary trends may be one in which the Gulf Sheikhdoms welcome French ascendancy and US decline. France has experienced its own foreign policy transformation marked by the leadership of President Chirac. Where President Mitterrand sought the role of power broker in regional affairs, President Chirac seeks increased influence and importance.     

超越冷战思维,构建和谐的东北亚地区新秩序

当前,东北亚地区正处于冷战后的秩序重构时期。冷战时期的苏美对抗格局结束了,地区形势总体上趋向缓和,各国相互成为重要的经贸伙伴,但是,冷战思维和安全困境仍然存在,成为建立地区新秩序的重要障碍。超越冷战思维,确立平等信任、合作共赢的理念;深化经济合作,推动地区经济一体化进程;加强政治互信,建立安全对话与合作机制,建设一个和平稳定、发展繁荣的东北亚地区和谐秩序将是各国的理性选择。