Liberalization and Democratization in the Soviet Union and Russia

One of the principal challenges facing political science is understanding and explaining the changes occurring in the Soviet Union/Russia after 1985. This article argues that two concepts taken from the transition to democracy literature, liberalization and democratization, are useful for understanding the dynamics of change in this region. It argues that a policy of liberalization stimulated a process of liberalization, which in turn generated a process of democratization. However, this has not been carried through to its conclusion because of the circumstances prevailing within the political elite and because of the weakness of mass forces favouring a full‐blooded process of democratization.     

非洲民主化制约因素透视

非洲民主化进程受到非洲社会内外各方面因素的影响和制约。商品经济不发达使非洲政治民主先天不足;部族政治的痼疾使部族因素与政党、政权和国家等政治因素缠绕在一起;军人干政的传统对非洲政治民主化进程有不利影响;民主政治文化的缺失以及传统文化的深刻影响决定了构建民主政治的艰巨性和长期性;深度依赖国际援助以及西方援助方冷战后将发展援助政治化使非洲民主化进程深受“外力推动”的影响。非洲民主化进程必须在逐渐克服这些制约因素的基础上才能健康发展     

中、日、俄3国文化近代转型比较

近代的中、日、俄 3国文化 ,代表了东北亚国家文化现代化的 3种类型 ,也代表了东北亚国家现代化的 3种类型。日本文化的近代转型是 3国中比较全面、比较彻底的。同日本相比 ,俄罗斯的近代文化转型受俄国旧传统的制约只是半转型 ,而中国的文化转型虽然与俄罗斯有许多相似之处 ,但却比俄罗斯的上层文化转型更为狭窄。这正是 2 0世纪前半期在文化上 ,中国先学日本、后学俄国的原因     

政治文化视阈下的俄罗斯与欧洲关系

俄罗斯与欧洲关系深受政治文化的影响和制约.政治文化可分为观念性文化和结构性文化,观念性文化在政治文化中处于核心地位,决定结构性文化发展的方向.俄罗斯与欧洲政治文化中,结构性文化存在着相似之处,但是观念性文化具有较大的冲突,这也决定了俄罗斯不可能真正融入到欧洲,唯一现实的战略目标就是做一个与西方平等的伙伴.     

对非洲民主化的再思考

20世纪90年代初,随着冷战结束,在西方的强力推动下,政治民主化浪潮席卷非洲大陆。短短几年内,绝大多数非洲国家都改行西方多党议会民主制。非洲民主化虽然使非洲国家的人民获得了一定的公民权利和民主意识,也有助于一些国家的政治稳定,但由于先天不足和脱离实际,西式民主化对不少非洲国家造成了严重后果:加剧了社会矛盾、政治动荡和经济困境,人民生活不升反降。这些引起了非洲国家对民主化进行反思,转而探索走符合自身国情的民主道路。西方国家为了自身利益,不希望非洲动乱,对其民主化进程不再随意搞“揠苗助长”。未来非洲民主化的走势将更多地体现非洲特色,趋于渐进和平稳。     

论非洲民主化

非洲民主化浪潮已经历十年的风雨历程。由于非洲市民社会的弱小和资本主义商品经济不发达，以及选举制度上的一些缺陷，非洲民主的发展有其特殊的复杂性、艰难性和脆弱性，不可能墒单复制西方式民主。十年来，非洲的民主化建设已搭起一个包括宪法、政党和选举制度在内的民主制度框架，初步完成了民主化第一阶段的制度建设。而民主化的第二阶段，即民主文化和价值观的巩固，以及一系列法律制度的建立与完善则刚刚开始，任重而道远。     

黑龙江省对俄经贸科技合作战略升级面临的机遇与挑战

黑龙江省一直是我国发展与俄罗斯经济往来的重要基地。随着中俄关系的不断深化,黑龙江省对俄经贸合作战略升级又面临着新的任务和新的形势。抓住发展机遇,迎接新的挑战,是全力推进对俄经贸合作战略升级的重要前提。     

孟加拉国的政治民主化历程

孟加拉国的政治民主化历程可谓具有很强的自身特色。从建国初期的议会民主制到军人统治的总统制再到议会民主制 ,其经历犹如是一个圆圈 ,经过一段时间之后又回到了起始点。其一波三折的历程也显得异常地艰苦和漫长。同时孟加拉国又是南亚地区的大国 ,在南亚非常具有代表性 ,研究其政治民主化有助于我们理解其他南亚国家和发展中国家的民主化进程。所以本文拟就孟加拉国自建国之日起至 1991年的政治民主化发展历程和出现挫折的原因进行论述 ,并对孟加拉国当前的民主化现状和未来的前景进行分析和探讨。     

Democratization Without Decommunization in the Balkans

Since recent U.S.-led democratization projects having led in some cases to the election of Islamist movements, the old democratic theory that structural preconditions are key determinants of successful democratization has apparently been bolstered. This article examines the democratization experience in postcommunist Europe to assess which matters more, a society's “givens” favoring democracy or the institutional imports that a democracy-minded elite can borrow. In particular, it compares the experience of the Southeast Europe countries, which presented poor prerequisites for successful democratization and yet in at least two cases (Romania and Bulgaria) are far along on the path to democratization to the experience of Central Europe and the former Soviet Union as a whole.     

Anti-Corruption Strategies and Democratization in Bosnia-Herzegovina

There is an international consensus that corruption undermines the democratic process and the legitimacy of government. Anti-corruption strategies are increasingly becoming an integral part of democratization programmes in non-western states. Where there are doubts over the effectiveness of these programmes they have tended to be expressed in relation to the level of social and economic development necessary to ensure a separation between private and public spheres. The experience of extensive international anti-corruption policies in Bosnia provides an opportunity to assess the relationship between anti-corruption initiatives and democratization in the European context. Taking a broad systemic approach to tackling political corruption, it was assumed that international policy in this area could strengthen the authority of democratic political institutions, encourage public participation and rebuild relations of trust within and between communities. This study of the impact of systemic anti-corruption strategies focuses on the effectiveness of these initiatives in meeting democratization goals. The results have been disappointing. The reasons for this may lie in the initial assumptions, not because they assume a higher level of social and economic development than Bosnian society has attained but because they have a narrow reductive view of the political process.     

Democratization and communal politics

Understanding the complex interplay between democratization and communal politics is a crucial issue for students of democracy and political practitioners. Political liberalization can exacerbate communal politics, which can then bring setbacks to democratization, even violent conflict. As prospects of political liberalization grow in a society marked by a lack of agreement on the form of the state, communal politics will shape inter‐group relations. There is an in‐group‐out‐group dilemma. The dilemma is rooted in two, potentially mutually conflicting imperatives. Democratization requires group leaders to engage in compromise and negotiation. But they may also face an imperative to promote self‐styled conceptions of the state‐idea to suit the needs of group cohesion, especially where relations between groups become highly politicised. Two factors condition whether or not the dilemma can be resolved: the strategies of the legitimate leadership of the groups, and the ‘ideological’ landscape within the groups. The argument is applied to case studies that compare Algeria and South Africa.     

加强黑龙江省对俄文化交流与合作

中俄间文化交流历史悠久,目前更应加强,应该对俄输出汉语文及中国文化等。两国间文化交流不仅可增加友谊,还可促进经贸发展,更能取得经济效益。     

欧盟与伊朗民主化进程

一、欧盟推进伊朗民主化进程的背景与动机 随着冷战的结束，美苏阵营所代表的资本主义与共产主义意识形态的冲突不再作为世界的主要矛盾而存在，而与此同时，西方世界面临法西斯主义和共产主义的威胁而与中东伊斯兰世界的良好合作局面被美国与伊斯兰世界的冲突所取代。弗朗西斯·福山在冷战行将结束时再度提出了黑格尔、鲍德里亚、利奥塔尔等人均提出过的“历史的终结”论，认为冷战的结束意味着“市场经济”与“民主政治”是世界发展的终极目标。     

Democratization in Mozambique: Trends and practices

This article explores the nature of party political competition four years after Mozambique's first democratic national elections, with particular attention being accorded to the democratization of local government. It commences with an overview of the nature of contemporary party politics in Mozambique. Secondly, the democratization of local government is reviewed. Thirdly, recent political developments are located within the context of major economic reconstruction and escalating corruption. It is concluded that whilst Mozambique does have a stable multi‐party system in the formal sense at least, the substance of genuine multi‐partyism remains elusive, given the near‐total lack of policy alternatives and the proliferation of corruption at the highest levels of political life.     

Democratization and party development in Eastern Europe

Awareness of the problems of prediction has come to the fore with the ending of the cold war and uncertainty has become a major feature of areas affected by it, not least the countries of eastern Europe in relation to the development of democratic institutions and practices. Party development is a central part of this process and one recent attempt to theorize it directs attention, rather like the approach taken by modern chaos theory, to the persistent influence of starting conditions and a particular blend of lightly structured growth from a more tightly coordinated set of preconditions. This framework is applied to the complex developments in post‐communist Poland, and three families of political parties are identified by applying Panebianco's genetic model. The components of this model are, it is argued, quite useful in accounting for the relative success of post‐communist parties and the failure of the political formations that derived from the previously authoritative Solidarity movement.     

文化外交在当代中俄关系中的作用

冷战结束后,和平与发展成为时代主题,文化因素对国际关系的影响日益凸显,并由此产生了一种新型外交方式——文化外交。中俄两国比邻而居,有着近四百年的交往史,文化交流更是在其中起到重要作用。随着文化外交日益受到各国政府的重视,中俄文化交流不断擦出新火花。实践证明,文化外交在巩固中俄两国高层政治关系、推动经贸合作和扩大民间交往方面有不可替代的作用。     

拉丁美洲民主化与可治理性问题分析

20世纪90年代以来,关于拉美民主化进程的研究已经从关注民主转型转变为分析民主体制的巩固、质量和治理问题.民主政治体制确立以后的具体制度安排与运作是一个社会能否实现可治理性的关键因素之一.民主政治的竞争、参与、问责等诉求与民主体制的稳定、秩序和效率等要求构成某种紧张的关系,体现在拉美国家政府组织的基本形式即总统制及其与政党、选举、司法等制度的相互关系之中.这种情况在拉美各国虽有差异,但探讨其一般特征仍不失为分析民主体制现状和前途的一种思路,也是民主化以后拉丁美洲可治理性研究中首先要加以认识的问题.     

尼日利亚民主化:特点及问题

尼日利亚的民主化以扑朔迷离的轨迹引发了无数学者浓厚的研究兴趣。尼日利亚的民主化遭受了很多挫折,但迈向持久民主的艰难步伐一直没有停止,即使是在旷日持久的军人执政时期也是如此。尼日利亚民主化面临的重大挑战虽自该国独立后就一直存在,但这些问题出现的新情况却需要用新的视角去审视,用新的方式去应对。只有这样,尼日利亚才能早日跨入现代民主国家的行列。