论日本对中国东北地区的移民侵略──日本军国主义侵略本质的新视角

伪满14年期间,日本策划并实施了对中国东北的移民侵略,其政策是通过“移民计划大纲”、派遣“试验移民”及“百万户移民计划”来进行的。日本移民政策的形成过程、各种类型的移民活动及通过国家与民间的管理机构对进入中国东北移民的管理,是为了把日本移民组织成武装集团,监视和镇压当地人民,以达到其长期侵占中国东北的目的。     

试析苏联特殊移民的饥饿现象

“特殊移民”一词在俄文中是一个复合词，即cлeцлepeceлeHeц，专指1930年春-1933年初被剥夺、迁移的富农。①特殊移民的饥饿现象在迁移、安置的过程中逐渐显现出来，并具有了普遍性。特殊移民饥饿现象的出现是以行政方式改变社会生产关系、社会生活关系的必然结果。透过研究特殊移民的饥饿现象可以为研究苏联30年代“大饥荒”及其产生的原因提供一些依据。     

满铁与日本对中国东北移民述略

满铁作为日本“国策会社”，在日本向中国东北移民过程中，通过设置调查机关、投资成立移民执行机构、建立具有自身特色的移民组织等活动，大力支持并积极参与日本移民侵略。由于满铁与日本军方特殊的密切关系，也必然决定了其在日本对中国东北移民活动中，扮演着策划者和执行者的重要角色。     

满铁与日本的中国东北移民

满铁作为日本“国策会社”，在日本向中国东北移民过程中，通过设置调查机关，投资成立移民执行机构，建立具有自身特色的移民组织等活动，大力支持并积极参与日本移民侵略。由于满铁与日本军方特殊的密切关系，也必然决定了其在日本对中国东北移民活动中，扮演着策划者和执行者的重要角色。     

藤山一雄和他笔下的“满洲森林”

甲午战争、日俄战争后,伴随着日本军国主义穷兵黩武国策的急剧膨胀,大批日本移民进入中国东北。尤其是1931年日本军国主义悍然发动侵略中国东北的“九一八”事变后,更是加剧了日本移民的涌入。至1945年日本战败为止,不包括军政人员,全东北已经有150余万的日本移民定居。就中作家近百人,他们绝大多数人站在殖民主义的立场上,记录了殖民主义者眼中的“满洲”风光,描摹了他们作为统治阶级一员对“满洲”新大陆的“美好憧憬”。藤山一雄可谓最典型的一个。     

新加坡的中国留学生

1990年代以来 ,中国大陆人口的国际迁移也即“新移民问题” ,引起国内外有关部门和学术界的重视 ,对新移民的研究成为时下最热门的课题。所谓“新移民” ,一般是指“改革开放以后移居国外的中国大陆公民”① 。中国大陆的新移民主要包括家庭团聚移民、留学移民、技术移民和投资移民、劳工移民、非法移民五种② 。改革开放以后中国实行“支持留学、鼓励回国、来去自由”的留学政策 ,大量年轻学子涌向海外求学。据统计 ,改革开放以来 ,中国大陆向世界 1 0 3个国家和地区派遣了 30多万的各类留学人员 ,其中在新加坡留学的中国学生有 1 3～ 1 …     

东亚国际劳工移民的流动特征及其动力机制——基于政治经济学的分析向度

20世纪70年代末80年代初，在日本雁行模式推动下，东亚地区内的贸易总量和投资规模不断增大，经济相互依赖性日益增强，由此带动了区域内国际移民劳工的流动。东亚国际移民劳工是指该地区内的劳工为了就业的需要从出生所在国或居住国迁往东亚地区的其他国家，从迁移时间看，既包括短期合同性移民劳工，又包括少数事实上的永久性国际移民劳工；     

以“开拓”为名的日本移民侵略——日本移民侵略档案分析

从1905年到1945年间,日本政府在军事侵略中国的同时,对中国东北实施了有计划、有组织、有步骤的大规模移民侵略。明治维新后,日本在发展资本主义的同时,也走上了扩张军备和对邻近国家进行侵略扩张的军国主义道路——大陆政策。日本"开拓团"(殖民扩张团,下同)是近代日本殖民扩张政策的产物。日本为了掩饰其战略意图和侵略行径,把侵入中国东北的日本移民团改称"开拓团",企图掩盖日本移民侵略的本质。准确地把握其政策形成过程,有助于深刻理解日本对东北实施移民的侵略动机和性质。从日本向我国东北大规模移民及其移民政策的变化过程来看,日本向中国东北移民是上升为"国策"地位的国家战略行为,是日本对中国东北地区实行殖民扩张的重要手段,日本"开拓团"本质上就是"殖民扩张团"。     

日本移民与伪满洲国的殖民地农业

日伪统治时期，日本帝国主义以“满蒙开拓团”的形式，将３０万左右日本农民强行移入中国东北。日本移民的大规模侵入，使日伪“国有”土地迅速膨胀，土地关系全面殖民地化。与此同时，日本移民的大量涌入，使东北水田开发有了显著的发展，使东北农业也打上了殖民地的烙印。     

日本统治朝鲜半岛时期向中国东北移民的研究

朝鲜半岛向中国东北的移民已有较长的历史 ,但在日本统治朝鲜半岛期间向中国东北地区的移民 ,却有其特殊的含义。“九·一八”事变前后日本军国主义实施的朝鲜人移民政策的结果 ,使我国东北地区特别是东北延边地区的朝鲜移民和日本移民大量增加 ,这一过程充分地暴露了日本军国主义在朝鲜半岛和中国东北地区实行侵略扩张政策的本质和事实。     

Immigration and economic development in Eastern Asia

This work describes recent trends in East Asian migration and their economic effects. The great waves of emigration of the past have largely ceased from Japan and the "dragons" of East Asia, and all have become countries of illegal immigration, return of emigrants, and legal entry of professionals. All the countries except Hong Kong have maintained strict immigration policies in order to protect their traditional and homogeneous societies and the employment and income of their own citizens. But despite active encouragement of industrial displacement to countries with cheap and abundant manpower, the labor shortages in these countries have become so severe that they have had to tolerate increased immigration. There is little evidence that immigrants have taken the jobs of natives or caused their incomes to decrease. They appear to complement shrinking local labor forces in these countries of drastically reduced fertility. The annual growth of the active population is predicted to decline from 523,000 in the 1980s to 227,000 in the 1990s in Japan, from 231,000 to 149,000 in Taiwan, and from 400,000 to 300,000 in Korea. Full employment was achieved in Japan in the early 1960s, in Taiwan in the late 1960s, in Hong Kong in the early 1970s, and in Korea in the late 1980s. Full employment was the major factor prompting relaxed immigration controls in these countries. The foreign workers are concentrated in less skilled jobs in dirty or dangerous industries that are shunned by the local population. Opponents of liberalized immigration policies cite the supplementary expenditures for infrastructure and services necessitated by the workers as well as for integration of workers desiring longterm settlement, especially if they are of different ethnicity. No definitive conclusions can be drawn about the overall positive or negative impact of immigration in East Asia without specifying the perspective from which the analysis is made--economic or social, short or long term, from the employee's viewpoint or the employer's. The consequences of importing manpower must be studied in relation to possible alternatives.     

推力与拉力:菲律宾人移民海外的动因初探

基于推拉理论及弗雷特·李的人口迁移理论对影响菲律宾人移民海外的因素进行探讨,本文认为菲律宾人移民海外主要由菲律宾国内的政治、经济、社会、家庭等环境中的"推力"和移入地的劳动力市场需求、政治自由度和福利制度等环境中的"拉力"共同形塑而成的。     

Children's rights in a risk society: the case of schooling in Japan

The purpose of this paper is to examine the ongoing discourse on children's rights and related attitudes towards individualisation and risk in contemporary Japan's education system. The paper is also interested in how this discourse is translated into concrete change. The concepts of ‘children's rights’ and ‘risk society’ both have their origins in Western conceptions of the relationship between the individual and society, and the place of children and young people in that society. This paper explores the way that these concepts have been transformed by their adoption into domestic Japanese discourse on education reform. After a discussion of how the classical liberal concepts of positive and negative human rights can be applied to the specific case of children's rights, the discussion moves on to show how this debate has developed in Japan since the 1980s. Then the paradigm of the ‘Risk Society’ is introduced and the concepts of ‘positive risks’ and ‘negative risks’ are explored, first with reference to schooling in Western countries and then in relation to Japan. Finally, the relationship between risk, rights and neoliberalism is discussed, and it is shown how Western notions of individualisation have met strong resistance from various actors on both sides of the political spectrum. In the case of the Japanese education system, the shift of responsibility from state bureaucracies to individuals and private-sector organisations that is predicted by Risk Society theory has only partially taken place.     

Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers and the rhetoric of participation

The World Bank and IMF have proposed the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper (PRSP) framework for all poor countries as a condition of receiving unconditional debt relief under the HIPC Initiative. The PRSPs will also be the key vehicle for the World Bank and IMF and other donors for various assistance packages, including loans. Like its predecessors, the PRSP framework promotes the ideas of ‘participation’ and ‘ownership’. This article argues that ownership of such a grand framework cannot possibly rest with the poor countries or their people if the whole idea is the product of World Bank and IMF think-tanks. It discusses participation in the development of Bangladesh's PRSP and argues that neither participation nor ownership was the target in preparing a national poverty-reduction strategy: they were merely necessary components of a document required for the continuation of debt and lending relationships with the World Bank and IMF.     

Counter-terrorism and alien justice: the case of security certificates in Canada

This article examines the security certificate process that has been in effect in Canada since 1978 and the 2008 amendment (Bill C-3) of the Immigration and Refugees Protection Act. It highlights how democratic means can be used to subvert meaningful policy changes, and underscores the antinomy inherent in a nation-state's zeal to protect its citizens and appeals by a group of Arab Muslim men held under security certificates for suspected terrorist activities for their human rights to be recognised and respected by a state in which they are non-citizens. The problematic immanent in nation-states serving as guarantors of human rights and its concomitant misconstruing of human rights for citizenship rights are used to demonstrate that an ‘internal Other’ has been created in Canada. The security certificate, it is argued, in stipulating that detainees may request to be deported to countries where they regularly reside or hold nationality, makes them akin to Hannah Arendt's notion of the ‘rightless’ – people who have not only lost their home (i.e., polity) or ‘distinct place in the world’, but also their legal status. Consequently, even in an advanced democracy with grandiose claims to, and assurances of, individual liberty and fundamental freedoms, ‘rightless’ people face a great danger by the fact of being nothing beyond ‘human’.     

Is the internet an instrument of global democratization?

This article explores the hypothesis that people in less democratic nations will use the Internet newsgroups devoted to those countries as a relatively ‘safe’ form of political discussion and even protest. Also, it is expected that nationals of those countries living overseas will use these newsgroups to more openly discuss politics in those nations than they could otherwise do so. Before turning to a content analysis of the messages posted in non‐United States Usenet groups, the number of these groups and the levels of political discussion in them are quantified. The article quantifies the international usage of the Usenet as a first attempt to find some patterns in this usage that may be politically motivated. After all, many pundits imagine that the Internet will become the vaunted ‘global village’ and source of ‘grass‐roots democracy’, and not merely in the United States. An examination of the content of about 2500 messages in 41 Usenet groups then follows, with a view to establishing the following: how many messages are explicitly political; how many are in opposition to the current government; how many are pro‐government; whether they primarily serve as alternative sources of news; whether they are attempts to recruit people in the subject country and around the world into some sort of political action; and whether richer nations are more likely to have higher levels of discussion in their newsgroups than poorer ones. The findings conclude that newsgroups devoted to countries with lower levels of democratization have a much higher percentage of anti‐government messages than the newsgroups about nations that are more democratic.     

‘Weak ally’ or ‘strong enemy?’: Japan in the eyes of Russian diplomats and military agents, 1900-1907

Abstract

At the dawn of the twentieth century, ignorance towards the growing military power of Japan led Imperial Russia to her unexpected and decisive loss of the war of 1904–1905. Just ten years earlier in 1895, Japan was almost half-robbed of the spoils of her victory over China by the Western Powers (including Russia), which insisted on revising the Treaty of Shimonoseki. The Boxer Rebellion of 1899–1901 stopped this confrontation and turned Japan and Russia into allies for a short time: Russian and Japanese soldiers fought together against the Chinese, constituting the two largest units among the five allied troops with Russians playing the leading role on the battlefield and the Japanese being their loyal deputy (as it was viewed by Russian media of the time). All these circumstances led Russia to underestimate the Japanese army in the following years. However, the Russo-Japanese War itself changed that attitude, turning it into a sort of ‘a-next-war-to-be-hysteria’ among the Russian officials who served in Japan after the war. The reports by Russian military agents and diplomats from special collections in the Hoover Institution of War, Columbia University, and other archives used in this paper show us that despite being their government's only ‘eyes’ watching the Orient, sometimes those eyes were ‘blinded’ by the loss in the recent war and by their own experiences. One major reason for this was that many Russian diplomats, military agents and spies had long been serving in the Far East, and for some of them the transformation of Japan from ‘weak ally’ to ‘strong enemy’ status happened so swiftly, they came to overestimate this new ‘peril.’ Another problem was Japanese language skill. In the same way that Russia could not properly predict the growing power of Japan before 1904, she wanted after the war to obtain all possible information about her neighbor and, thus, paid special attention to educating a new generation of oriental specialists.     

The forgotten success story: Japan and the methamphetamine problem

This paper examines Japan's policy towards methamphetamine (Japanese: hiropon). Opium has been used in Japan for medicinal purposes since 1722. However, it was strictly controlled. The result was that drug abuse was minuscule. This changed with the introduction of methamphetamine. During the Second World War hiropon was given by the military to fighter pilots and the signal corps in order to help them stay awake and alert. After 1945, the large military stockpiles of methamphetamine found their way onto the black market. With society in chaos, drug abuse spread rapidly and a hiropon epidemic emerged. The introduction of a comprehensive anti-drug package in the mid-1950s, including stricter laws, resulted in that abuse having been almost totally eradicated by 1957. Around 1970 a new wave of abuse (‘the second epidemic’) began. It peaked around 1985, after which abuse tampered off, albeit slowly. A temporary increase in the mid-1990s made Japanese authorities declare the emergence of ‘the third epidemic’ that is still said to be ongoing. Official statistics show, however, that Japan has not seen any such epidemic. In comparison with most other Western countries, methamphetamine abuse in Japan is modest.     

日本老龄化应对措施及其对中国的启示

随着经济、医疗和社会的发展，人口老龄化已成为人类共同面对的课题。老龄化并不单指寿命的延长、老年人口数量的增加，而是指老年人口占总人口的比例，以及这一比例的增长幅度大小。根据国际人口学会编著的《人口学词典》定义：65岁以上的老年人口比例达到7％的人口结构称为“老龄化社会”（Aging Society），65岁以上人口的比例超过14％，叫做“老龄社会”（Aged Society）。     

The In-securitisation of Youth in the South and East Mediterranean

The securitisation of youth as a social category has been well-documented. For the South and East Mediterranean (SEM) countries, moral panics over demographic youth bulges, Islamist radicalisation and protracted conflicts have placed youth centre-stage as a threat to the security of states and societies. Rejecting such assertions as themselves being what Foucault might have termed ‘technologies of power’ in a neoliberal order, and instead taking a critical approach to security, the spotlight is turned towards youth themselves as the referent object of study. This reveals the multidimensional hyper-precarity and insecuritisation of young peoples’ lives which derive from that same neoliberal economic order and the political structures that sustain it in the SEM countries. The finding resonates with other studies of new, insecure, formats for adulthood in Africa and suggests that we should look at the insecurity of young people today to understand global neoliberal futures in countries beyond the post-industrial ‘core’.