试析印度能源战略

20世纪90年代以来,印度经济改革不断拓展和深化,经济实现持续强劲增长.现在印度已成为世界经济增长的主要亮点和主要的新兴大市场之一.     

当前重建日本经济的四大改革

20世纪90年代以来,日本经济一直处于低迷状态。受多种因素影响,当前日本经济面临着严峻形势。为摆脱疲软状况,重建日本经济,日本国内正进行着围绕金融、财政、产业结构和行政结构为核心的改革。日本经济前景不容乐观,小泉政府的改革任重道远。     

建构东亚经济合作的新视角——中国—东盟自由贸易区的政治经济学分析

一、东亚经济合作的困境与现实选择 自20世纪90年代以来,地区经济一体化的迅猛发展已成为世界经济的一个重要趋势.根据世界银行的统计,世界贸易的55%～60%是在贸易集团内发生的."到2002年1月,在世界贸易组织注册的区域经济一体化协定共有162个,其中近80%都是在90年代成立的."①在30个实力最强的经济体中,只有中国、日本、韩国没有参加任何地区性的经济一体化组织.     

日本长期萧条成因分析：国家社会转型视角*

从国家社会转型的视角，同时采用体系、国家和国内社会三层次结合的结构分析框架 对战后日本发展历史进行透视，可以发现，20 世纪60 年代末70 年代初完成经济赶超成为世界第 二经济大国后，未能从经济赶超式的“发展主义国家”向成熟的制度型“三方制- 福利国家”转型，乃 是导致20 世纪90 年代以来日本长期萧条的根源。在20 世纪60 年代末70 年代这一历史的十字 路口，日本国家社会转型的延误或者说失败最终换来的是其后巨大的社会代价。因此，日本并不成 功的国家社会转型对中国具有重要的警示性参考价值     

日本“自由贸易协定战略”的无奈转变:过程与战略动机分析

二战后,日本一直主动参与多边贸易体制.20世纪90年代末开始,在美国的影响下,日本的区域经济合作理念曾一直受到压制和制约,日本因多边主义停滞不前,开始尝试区域主义,并与中国展开竞争,而这都与日本对美、中两国的认知和对世界区域经济一体化的深刻变化有关.2005年以来,日本“自由贸易协定(FTA)战略”实现了两次转变.这种转变体现在日本签订FTA所在区域范围的扩大、对象国的增加和政策倾向的变化三个方面,其背后有经济和战略原因,而战略原因大于经济动机.日本FTA战略的实质是日本由“东亚主导”转变为“美日共同主导”的无奈.日本试图借“跨地区主义多边化”的政策倾向进而实现政治抱负的野心恐难实现.     

从财政看日本经济

财政是日本经济的一面镜子.当今日本的财政状况在主要发达国家中最差,造成这种情况的主要原因在于20世纪90年代日本经济长期萧条导致税收减少,而政府为了刺激经济景气一而再、再而三地采取减税和增加公共投资等财政对策,同时随着人口年龄结构的高龄化,养老金、医疗费等社会保障费用迅速增加.由于经济增长前景暗淡,改革财政与刺激景气的政策相互矛盾,加之财政改革面临巨大阻力等原因,日本的财政改革将经历一个漫长而险恶的历程.从财政看,今后10-20年的日本经济,其前景确实不容乐观.已经"失去了10年"的日本经济,目前正站在是否再失去10年、甚至20年的十字路口上.     

论日本的新保守集权改革

"55年体制"下的日本政治与行政格局种存在着多种双重权力结构.这种结构妨碍了新的环境下日本保守政治统治的效能的提高.20世纪90年代以来日本的政治与行政改革是新保守集权改革,改革的主旨是要消除双重权力结构,将国家权力进一步集中于保守阵营手中,将保守阵营内部的权力进一步集中于以党首-首相为首的政治统治集团手中,以期大幅度地提高保守政治统治的效能.经过改革,日本新保守主义政治势力在多个领域基本实现了上述目标.     

新世纪日本谋求大国地位的努力

二战后,日本从废墟上成长为仅次于美国的世界第二经济大国,成为与美欧鼎立的“经济三极”,进而要求在各领域发挥与其经济地位相称的国际作用,这就是所谓“日本的崛起”。冷战结束以后,日本把谋求大国地位作为主要外交目标之一,在21世纪将继续这一努力。一、重筑经济实力基础,发挥经济大国作用　　日本要谋求大国地位,首先要重振经济。自进入90年代以来,日本泡沫经济崩溃,复苏乏力,舆论称90年代是“失去的10年”。1999年春季,日本经济总算走出谷底,但失业率居高不下,消费不振,经济增速缓慢,又背负巨额债务(到2000年底预计公…     

21世纪以来秘鲁经济走势及原因初探

进入21世纪以来,秘鲁经历了持续高速经济增长,实现了财政收支平衡,债务和通胀水平低,宏观经济保持稳定.秘鲁的增长应追溯到始于20世纪90年代初的经济稳定和结构改革计划.21世纪以来的多数年份,国际市场对原材料需求强劲,世界经济环境有利于秘鲁这样的资源型产品出口国,秘鲁贸易条件显著改善,出口大幅增长,并成为拉美吸引外资最多的国家之一.然而,由于20世纪80年代秘鲁经济曾严重衰退,21世纪以来的经济增长主要仍属于恢复性增长.而且秘鲁经济对外依赖程度较高,目前全球经济仍充满不确定性,国际市场的巨大波动将影响其经济表现.不过,得益于经济繁荣期积累的财政稳定基金,秘鲁抵御外部冲击能力较强,未来一段时间内秘鲁经济增长将继续居于拉美地区前列.展望未来,要想保持经济可持续增长,秘鲁必须提高劳动力素质,改善基础设施,增加储蓄和投资.     

日本经济的回顾与展望

日本，自泡沫经济崩溃后的90年代初开始便高喊“改革”，但由于问题多、阻力大、办法少，改革一直难以完成，经济长期处于低增长或停滞的状态。2001年4月，小泉纯一郎出任自民党总裁、内阁首相后，以“改革内阁”的姿态表示决心要进行彻底改革，恢复日本经济昔日的雄风。小泉提出“没有结构改革就没有日本的再生和发展”，强调要打破禁忌冲破阻力进行财政结构改革、行政结构改革和社会结构改革等项改革，通过“痛苦的创造性的破坏”过程，最终实现“新世纪维新”的目标，在21世纪要实现符合日本实力的经济增长，建立一个尊重市场规则和社会主义、与自然共生且能安居乐业、开放而对世界有魅力的社会。     

日本金融体制改革评价与借鉴

在 90年代的日本经济改革中 ,金融体制改革一直是重要内容。从桥本开始 ,历届日本政府曾先后推出多项改革方案。有些措施也已落实并收到了成效。但从总体来看 ,日本金融改革之路并不平坦 ,一些老大难问题至今并未有效解决。这些问题迟迟不能解决 ,也影响到日本经济不能摆脱萧条困境 ,重新走上回升之路。借鉴日本金融改革的经验教训 ,我国的金融体制改革更应注意掌握推进改革的时机和安排好各项改革措施之间的优先秩序 ,高度重视解决金融机构的坏账问题等。     

Japanese political economy revisited: diverse corporate change,institutional transformation,and Abenomics

Abstract

This introductory article to the special issue on “Japanese Political Economy Revisited: Diverse Corporate Change, Institutional Transformation, and Abenomics” starts with a short summaryof the changing perceptions of Japan's political economy from its meteoric rise as worldwide leading model in the 1970s and 1980s to its demotiontoa problem and reform case since the later 1990s. Based on this overview, it identifies some striking issue and open questions in this conventional view of Japan's political economy as problem and the high expectations on Abenomics as Japan's current economic reform programme. Then we discuss the articles of the special issue and their new contributionsto a better understanding of the developments at the corporate level as well as institutional change and economic reforms at the macro level in the last two decades. Finally, this introductory article ends with a short outlineof a new research programme and four central research questions about the Japanese political economy.     

日本经济怎样掉进了美国设计的陷阱

在 2 0世纪末期 ,过去一帆风顺的日本经济突然停滞 ,明明是世界最大的债权国 ,却只能目瞪口呆地看着世界最大的债务国美国把自己的财富掳走。日本的经济一筹莫展 ,而美国的经济却一步一层楼。美国人通过玩弄汇率就轻而易举地减少了自己的债务负担 ,同时还扼杀了日本的国力。日本人过去几十年在国际经济关系中几乎是不折不扣地采用美国的规则 ,却遭到如此的惨败 ,令全世界都为之震惊。为此 ,我们应该深入地研究 ,及早地引起我们的注意。     

论1990年以来越南与日本的经济关系

自20世纪90年代以来，越南与日本的经济关系快速发展，其主要体现在两国的贸易、日本对越南的投资以及日对越ODA为主的经济援助等方面。两国经济关系的快速发展，反映了两国在追求各自国家利益上的一致。一方面，越南为发展国内经济，争取更大的国际市场、国外投资以及外国经济援助，积极同日本发展经济关系；另一方面，日本为逐步扩大对越的影响力，通过贸易、投资以及经济援助等方式推进对越经济外交政策。     

The long march: the lessons of China's economic transition

It is widely known that Chinese transition to market economy was influenced by the newly industrialized Asian countries—Malaysia, Taiwan, and Hong Kong—but it is not as much evident that Chinese reform was also influenced by the economic reforms of Hungary. Hungary started market-oriented reforms in the late 1960s by introducing market-orientated measures in agriculture, in manufacturing, in retail trade, and in finances, which made Hungarian economy more flexible and efficient than other European socialist countries. It could be shown that the first market-oriented reform measures applied in China during the 1980s and 1990s have large similarities to the Hungarian reform introduced earlier. In that respect, we can say that Chinese economic reform has adapted lots of elements of the early Hungarian economic reform. At the same time, Hungarian reforms have died away, but after the “lost decade of the 1980s,” there was an extremely rapid transition to market economy, which—in spite of the seemingly successful beginning—could not contribute to a long-term and healthy economic development. Meanwhile in China, economic reform was rather successful, resulting in an unprecedented economic development at the end of the twentieth century. Authors of the present article analyse similarities of the Hungarian and Chinese reforms and try to explain the causes of the Hungarian failure and the Chinese success. “Let China Sleep, for when the Dragon awakes, she will shake the world.” The saying is attributed to Napoleon and he seems to have been right. Now that China has reversed the process of globalization and has become the winner, we should resignedly accept that China is wide awake. The country's economy has followed a rapid growth path thus China's economic dominance is felt in the entire Far East; moreover, the country with the highest population in the world the country is taking steps to emerge as a world power. The dragon is awake, and she is not going to take a great leap forward but instead it is now on the long march. In lieu of her specific tools, China is about to win: she is already one of the winners, if not the only winner of globalization.     

经济全球化与区域经济一体化关系的协调——兼论全球化对东北亚区域经济合作的影响

从20世纪90年代开始,在经济全球化蓬勃发展的同时,区域经济一体化出现了一个新的发展高潮。对于两者的关系,至今仍有“障碍说”和“阶段说”两种不同认识。尽管如此,协调好它们之间的关系对于世界经济发展仍十分重要。对于东北亚,经济全球化的迅速发展既带来了新的动力与机遇,同时也使得东北亚区域合作面临新的挑战与课题。目前,加快东北亚区域经济一体化进程,已成为区内多数国家经济全球化战略的重要步骤与组成部分。     

日本“金解禁”政策史论

为建立与西方列强相同的金融制度,日本明治政府于1897年建立了金本位制。但在第一次世界大战期间,日本出于各种考虑,以禁止黄金出口的方式,暂时停止了金本位制。一战之后,日本执政者出于政治上的考虑,放弃了恢复金本位制的这一极好机会。"金解禁"问题经过20世纪20年代的长时间酝酿,民政党内阁终于在1930年1月完成了"金解禁"。"金解禁"虽然对当时日本经济有一定的作用,但这时"金解禁"却是在世界性经济危机已经爆发的情况下实施的,日本经济遭到双重打击。继而波及日本社会各个方面,给日本历史造成深远影响。     

捷克福利制度变迁的历史考察与趋势分析

学界对中东欧福利体系的关注,始于20世纪80年代末到90年代初原中东欧社会主义国家发生的剧变。当时,这些国家在政治上无一例外地选择了以多党制为基础的议会民主制,在经济上实行私有化并向市场经济过渡。为适应这种宏观环境的变化,波兰和匈牙利等国对其福利体系进行了较为激进的改革,而捷克始终把改革的范围限定在俾斯麦或贝弗里奇模式的框架之内。捷克的保守式改革有何制度背景?结果如何?是否需要更进一步的改革?本文试图对上述问题做出解答。本文通过对捷克福利制度的变迁过程进行研究,从捷克福利体系的建立、发展,再到不同时期捷克政府采取的改革措施,全面阐述了捷克福利体系的演变轨迹,并分析了捷克现行福利体系的构成原因以及面临的压力,最后,对其可能的发展趋势作出预测。     

Long-term outlook for China’s political reform

China’s post-1978 economic reform is generally acclaimed as success, for the Chinese economy has expanded nine-fold in a matter of 25 years and the country rose from the world’s 34th largest trading nation in 1978 to the third largest in 2004 ahead of Japan. Interestingly, the Chinese experiment is often described in the West as “economic reform without political reform”. This begets the question: how could a politically un-reformed system be able to deliver such an economic miracle? In reality, China has conducted, by its own standards, major political reforms since 1978. Though far short of the Western expectations, the Chinese experience since 1978 should better be described as “great economic reforms with lesser political reforms”, without which China’s economic success would be inconceivable. China’s “lesser political reforms” have reduced country’s opportunities for greater political change, thus alienating many reform-minded intellectuals. Nevertheless, it may also have helped China avert the possible economic and social upheavals which could have resulted from rushing too fast into a radically different economic and political system. There is a strongly held belief, especially among the more ‘ideological’ observers of Chinese affairs that unless there were a radical political reform, perhaps tantamount to a revolution, to rid China of its “oppressive” Communist Party, the Chinese system would inevitably collapse just like what had happened in the USSR and Eastern Europe. As the party has been in power, China had been predicted to face collapse in the aftermath of the Tiananmen crisis of 1989, the Soviet Union’s disintegration of 1990, the death of Deng Xiaoping in 1996, and the Asian financial crisis of 1997 and the 2003 outbreak of SARS. Yet all these forecasts turned out to be wrong and the track record of the China doomsayers over the past 20 years is indeed poor. Will China become a democracy through its political reform in 20 years? Indeed, a full democracy could be the best scenario for China, the region and beyond, but it is difficult to give a definitive answer, which will, to a great extent, depend on how to achieve democracy in China, i.e. the costs/risks involved, as well as what kind of ultimate shape such a democracy will take. If full-fledged democratisation will take more time, the pressure for a more accountable government and more democratic society is growing, and this trend will continue with the rise of China’s middle class and civil society. Therefore, the most likely scenario for China in the coming two decades is that China will continue its own approach to political reform, and the relative successful experience of China’s economic reform may well set a pattern for China’s political reform in the years to come. As part of Europe’s general approach towards China’s political change, it is in Europe’s interest to assist, in line with the view of most Chinese, gradual reform rather than revolution or ‘regime change’, which could produce hugely negative consequences for China itself, Sino–European relations and European interests in China and even East Asia.     

Sorting out the Conceptual Muddle: The Role of the Japanese Economy in the Asian Financial Crisis

Karel van Wolferen argues that, since Japan's political economy was the main factor in creating the circumstances that led up to the East Asian financial crisis, studies must focus on it to understand this event. The Japanese economy, which is here described as a war economy operating in peacetime, provided the model for East Asia's 'tiger economies' that imitated the Japanese government in its targeting of sectors for investment, especially the construction industry in the 1980s. These other East Asian economies proved more vulnerable to crisis than the Japanese economy because they were more open to foreign investment and did not have Japan's closely knit economic and financial networks and institutions. After presenting this preface to the crisis, van Wolferen then criticizes the current East Asian economic situation, in which international institutions continue to force the Western ideals of transparency and deregulation on most of the East Asian economies while permitting Japan to remain the least transparent economy of the entire region.