南宁-河内-海防经济走廊发展潜力的几个特点

2003年7月1日,<中国与东盟全面经济合作框架协议>开始生效,协议中关于开展互惠合作的领域如下:贸易、投资、农业、通讯与传媒技术、合作发展湄公河流域.在2010年完成的东盟-中国自由贸易区,越南和中国位于中心位置,由此可见两国间的经济合作极具潜力.     

越南吸引外资的新成效

近年来,越南经济持续、稳定发展。2001年至2004年,越南GDP增长分别为6·8%、7%、7·2%和7·7%。2005年,越南GDP增长高达8·4%,人均GDP增至640美元。越南经济的快速增长,与越南近年来吸引外资取得的新成效有着密切联系。2005年12月越南政府公布的统计数据显示,年内全国吸引外国直接投资58·53亿美元。①这一数字包括年内新项目注册和原项目追加投资。2005年吸引外资比上年增长38%,超过原定计划指标(45亿美元)近30%。全年新的投资来自42个国家和地区,有771个项目。项目数比2004年增长98%,注册资金约40亿美元,增长63%;同时,原有投资项目有5…     

中国—东盟会计区域协调机制研究——基于中缅收入会计准则的比较

中国-东盟自由贸易区是我国与外国建立的第一个自由贸易区.2002年中国与东盟领导人签署了<中国与东盟全面经济合作框架协议>,计划在2010年建成中国一东盟自由贸易区.中国和缅甸同属贸易区的成员国,近年来双边贸易和投资发展迅速,据中国海关统计,2007年1～12月,中缅双边贸易额为20.57亿美元,同比增长40.9%.其中中国对缅甸出口16.86亿美元,同比增长39.6%;中国自缅甸进口3.71亿美元,同比增加46.9%.中方实现贸易顺差13.15亿美元.     

越南投资环境和投资方式

一、外国在越南直接投资概况在扩大和实行多样化国际经济合作关系的同时 ,多年来吸引外国投资的活动已成为越南经济社会发展战略的重要部分。从１９８７年外国投资法颁布至２００２年２月底 ,越南已给近３７００个项目（其中近３０００个项目尚有效实施）颁发投资许可证 ,总投资额达４６０亿美元 ,其比重约占每年社会总投资额的１／４ ,外国投资已为其经济的增长和投资发展补充了重要的资金来源。目前 ,外国投资领域已创造１３ %以上的国内生产总值和３４ %以上的工业产值 ,近７%的国家财政收入（不包括石油天然气） ,出口达３５．７亿美元…     

中越贸易发展现状与建议

一、两国贸易发展现状 ２０００年,中越两国贸易发展迅速,成绩喜人,超额实现了两国总理提出的２０亿美元目标。据中方统计,全年双边贸易额达２４．６６亿美元,比上年增长 ８７．１％,其中中国出口 １５．３７亿美元,增长５９．５％,进口９．２９亿美元,增长１６２．３％。中国成为继日本、新加坡之后越南的第３大贸易伙伴。２００１年一季度,两国贸易继续保持发展良好的势头。据中方统计,第一季度双边贸易额为６．２３亿美元,其中中国出口 ３．７９亿美元,进口２.４４亿美元。越方统计数据略大些,双边贸易额达６．５３亿美元…     

越南个人所得税介绍

近年来,特别是启动中国—东盟自由贸易区的建设进程之后,中越两国关系得到迅猛发展,双边贸易及投资迅速增长。据越方统计,截至2005年9月底,中国累计在越投资有效项目346个,协议投资总额7.1亿美元,实际到位金额1.81亿美元。随着到越南投资的中国企业和到越南经商或工作的中国人逐渐增多,对越南税收制度的了解也更成为需要。本文对越南的个人所得税制度进行简略的介绍,希望能为上述企业和个人提供帮助。越南开征个人所得税始于1991年,之后进行了多次修订,现行征税依据为越南政府2004年7月23日颁布的越南个人所得税法及其施行细则。2004年,越南…     

新形势下云南与越南经贸合作的主要领域和发展思路

20世纪90年代以来,随着中越睦邻友好与全面合作的加强,云南省同越南的贸易保持了年均两位数的增长速度。2000年双边贸易额超过1亿美元,比1992年增长101倍。2001年双边贸易额达到1.61亿美元,比上年增长67％。在与云南省有经贸往来的95个国家和地区中,越南已成为第三大贸易伙伴。     

中越在北部湾合作开发能源的可行性

2005年10月31日～11月2日,应越共中央总书记农德孟和越南国家主席陈德良的邀请,中共中央总书记、中国国家主席胡锦涛对越南进行了正式友好访问。访问期间,中越两国政府和双方代表公司签署了10多项合作协议,其中包括中越经济技术合作协议、中国政府向越南提供优惠贷款框架协议等,涉及电力、通信、化工、运输等领域。值得注意的是中越两国领导人共同出席了中国海洋石油总公司总经理傅成玉和越南石油总公司总经理陈玉景所签署的关于北部湾油气合作的框架协议。这一框架协议的主要内容就是两公司将携手在北部湾进行油气资源考察,为双方共同开发…     

开展中国华南与越南次区域经济合作

一、中国华南与越南次区域经济合作的基础中国华南地区与越南的次区域经济合作思路源于“北部湾增长三角”区域发展战略构想。１９９３年 ,云南学者舒日方等人提出建立“北部湾增长三角经济开发区”的建议 ,设想将环北部湾的一个三角地区 ,包括中国广西的北海、钦州地区 ,越南的海防地区 ,以及中国海南省的海口地区联合起来 ,将有可能形成一个新的增长三角。北部湾增长三角的形成 ,不仅将极大地带动中国大西南地区和海南省以及越南北方地区的经济发展 ,对中国大西南外向型经济的发展产生巨大影响 ,而且从区位角度看 ,北部湾是中国西部面对东…     

从广西与越南经贸关系现状探“两廊一圈”建设的对策

地处我国南疆的广西 ,南濒北部湾 ,西南与越南交界 ,广西与越南可以说是山连山、水连水。近年来 ,随着中越两国高层往来频繁 ,政治互信的加深 ,经贸合作也日益活跃。广西作为我国面向东南亚的重要门户 ,与越南的经贸关系也迅速发展 ,桂越双方在进出口贸易、相互投资、承包劳务等领域的合作日益深化 ,形成了新的格局。一、广西与越南经贸关系现状1.广西与越南的进出口贸易增长迅速。近年来 ,两地的贸易增加的势头较快 ,越南已发展成为广西的重要贸易伙伴。广西对越南的进出口贸易额由1993年不足1000万美元迅速增加到2003年的6.6555亿美元 ,占…     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

海陆复合型地缘政治大国的战略选择与崛起成败

国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。     

The EU and Libya and the Art of the Possible

In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.     

China and the WTO: the theory and practice of compliance

Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.     

从斯大林功过看苏联兴亡——评《苏联兴亡史论》

一　对斯大林功过的评价要与时俱进要考察苏联兴亡的历史进程、总结苏联兴亡的历史经验 ,首先就要探究从列宁到戈尔巴乔夫苏联历届党政首脑的理论、路线、体制和实践的演变问题 ,尤其是涉及对斯大林功过的评价问题。因为斯大林执政时间最长 ,而且苏联的社会主义制度主要是在斯大林执政的 3 0年间( 1 92 3～ 1 95 3年 )建成并且得到巩固的 ,随后 3 0多年苏联斯大林模式没有发生什么大变化。如果我们肯定斯大林是“功大于过”,那么就要肯定苏联的社会主义模式基本上是成功的、优秀的 ,尽管难免还有一些弊端 ,那只要经过小修小补就能更加显示优…     

Globalization and the Reform of the International Financial and Monetary Systems

The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style ＂financial capitalism.＂ Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests （such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference）, along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.     

Campaign Advertising and the Stimulation and Activation of the Authoritarian Personality

This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.     

美洲国家首脑会议与美洲自由贸易区的前景

自1994年至今共举行了4届美洲国家首脑会议,每届会议均与美国所倡议的美洲自由贸易区有密切关系。2005年11月在阿根廷举行的第四届首脑会议上,美洲国家围绕着是否重启美洲自由贸易区谈判问题产生分歧。一些拉美国家对在香港举行的WTO第六次部长级会议的成果不甚满意。美洲自由贸易区的前景不容乐观。     

Uneven and combined confusion: on the geopolitical origins of capitalism and the rise of the west

This article offers a critique of Alexander Anievas and Kerem Ni?ancio?lu’s How the West came to rule: the geopolitical origins of capitalism. We argue that while all historiography features a number of silences, shortcomings or omissions, the omissions in How the West came to rule lead to a mistaken view of the emergence of capitalism. There are two main issues to be confronted. First, we argue that Anievas and Ni?ancio?lu have an inadequate and misleading understanding of “capital” and “capitalism” that tilts them towards a theoretical stance that comes very close to arguing that everything caused capitalism while at the same time having no clear and convincing definition of “capital” or “capitalism”. Second, there are at least three omissions—particular to England/Britain within a geopolitical context—that should be discussed in any attempt to explain the development of capitalism: the financial revolution and the Bank of England; the transition to coal energy; and the capitalization of state power as it relates to war, colonialism and slavery. We conclude by calling for a connected-histories approach within the framework of capital as power.     

离岸市场的发展与人民币国际化的推进

人民币国际化自2009年正式启动以来,在跨境贸易结算等领域取得了很大进展,人民币离岸市场的建设也取得了一定成绩,但目前来看并没有充分发挥预期中的功能,这也引发了各界对人民币国际化模式的进一步讨论。原则上,由于我国资本项目尚未完全开放,离岸市场有助于克服人民币自由流动受限这一障碍。历史经验也表明,在一定条件下离岸市场能够有效地推进货币国际化。人民币国际化应当遵循贸易结算、离岸市场、资本输出、跨国企业四者并举的"中国模式",其中未来的离岸市场发展需要相应的条件和配套准备才能真正为人民币国际化提供引擎。