国际移民问题概况、影响及管理

当前,国际移民作为重要的全球性问题日益突出,对世界政治和安全的影响越来越大.在此背景下,联合国和国际社会开始重新审视国际移民问题,许多国家也纷纷调整本国移民政策.     

发展中国家及其与中国的关系 --纪念万隆会议召开50周年

发展中国家是推动国际格局多极化、国际关系民主化、建立公正合理的国际政治、经济新秩序的重要力量,是具有丰富资源、广阔市场、推动世界经济增长的重要力量,解决全球性问题离不开发展中国家的参与,发展中国家的国际地位越来越重要。但是,发展中国家面临的困难和问题也很多。国际格局变化使发展中国家处境艰难,南北差距拉大,发展中国家之间发展也不平衡,拉大了它们经济上的差距。作为发展中国家的一员,中国重视发展同广大发展中国家之间的关系,双方互相尊重、互相支持、团结合作、共同发展。发展中国家是中国外交的重要依托,中国同它们的关系会越来越密切。     

全球治理:中国的战略应对

随着中国在全球治理中作用越来越突出,我们需要开展基于中国视角的全球治理研究,尤其是要制定中国的全球治理战略.该战略应在理论上阐述中国解决全球性问题的世界观,在实践上提出中国解决全球性问题的方案,并应具有综合性、着眼于长远、现实可行且能够为其他国际行为体所接受和分享.中国的全球治理理论、中国与国际规则制定、中国与现存国际制度改革、中国与地区问题治理、中国的国际领导等议题应是中国的全球治理战略回答的问题.     

国际全球学的兴起与中国全球学建构

近二十年来,随着全球化进程的加速发展,引发了许多超越传统民族国家概念和边际的问题,为阐释和应对这些“全球性问题”,国际学术界兴起了一种被称为“全球学”的崭新学科和学术研究领域.这些全球性问题不仅涉及人文、社会科学等相关学科,也与一些自然科学学科如信息科学、环境科学等密切相联,因此全球学是一门交叉学科.在我国,“全球问题”研究被置于二级学科“国际政治”之下,相当于国际政治的一个分支或研究方向,这与国际上的“全球学”的学科范畴相比显然是有很大差别的.     

中东伊斯兰国家民主化改革——压力、困境与选择

冷战结束后,受到来自国际和国内的双重压力,政治民主化改革成为中东伊斯兰各国政治生活的一个主题。由于西方国家同伊斯兰国家对民主的认知之间存在明显差异,同伊斯兰国家民众的民主化要求之间也有严重分歧,中东伊斯兰国家的民主化至今尚未取得显著成效。伊斯兰国家各国政府作为民主化改革的施动者,承受着协调分歧的巨大考验。中东伊斯兰国家民主化改革的前景因国内外相互冲突的民主诉求,以及各国政府协调能力的不同而面临多种选择。     

探寻非洲民主之路——国际学术界对非洲民主化问题研究概述

国际学术界一直重视对非洲民主化问题的研究,并相应出现了一系列研究成果,本文将概括介绍国外学者就该问题的理论探讨。关于非洲民主化,国外学者的主要观点有法治、人权和可信的政府等是非洲民主制度的基本特征;非洲民主化进程的前景不容乐观,军队干预使民主化成为政治悲剧;市民社会成为国家权力的一种制衡力量,不同类型的市民社会对民主化进程的影响不同;非洲民主化进程实际上是各个阶级权力平衡运作的过程,民主化在一些国家形式多于实质。     

全球市民社会与当代国际关系(上)

全球市民社会是 2 0世纪 80年代以来人们在应对日益严重的全球性危机、克服日益突显的全球化弊端以及探寻冷战后世界新秩序的重建过程中迅速兴起的。自产生之日起 ,其在经济与社会、国际和平与安全及环境人权等国际政治领域的活动和网络密度就不断增强。全球市民社会的兴起及其广泛活动对于推动国际关系朝着整体化、民主化、法治化和多中心的方向发展具有重要作用 ,同时 ,它也意味着国际政治中伦理价值的回归。当然 ,目前全球市民社会对国际关系的影响还只是一种趋势 ,其作用的充分发挥有赖于在自身能力建设、民主化建设和管理制度等方面的不断完善。此外 ,发展中国家还要大力推动自身社会力量的发展 ,以防止全球市民社会成为西方的意识形态和霸权工具。     

试论国际组织风险规制强化及其政治后果

随着风险作为现代社会一个典型特征呈现在世界面前 ,风险也就与全球化进程一道扩展开来 ,形成了全球性风险。全球性风险对规制提出了许多新的要求 ,为了回应这些要求 ,国际组织的职责发生了转变、风险规制能力获得强化、规制的内容偏离了初始的委托权 ,从而使自己进入了国内规制领域。这给国际组织本身也给民族国家带来了诸多的困境和政治后果。     

上合组织五周年与"上海精神"

“上海合作组织”成立5周年来的历程表明,它已成为世人普遍关注且发展前景广阔的新兴国际组织。“上海精神”不仅丰富了当代国际关系的理论和实践,而且体现了国际社会对国际关系民主化的普遍要求。     

后冷战时期北极国际合作

北极国际合作由来已久。从上世纪80年代开始特别是冷战结束后,北极地区的国际合作日益增多。北极地区内的国际合作发展较快,分别在政府、地方、原住民团体三个层面同时展开。全球性的北极国际合作则还未有实质性的开始,只是在地方层面有些论坛,以及国际非政府组织对北极问题的关注和介入。鉴于北极问题的复杂性及其超越北极地区的影响和意义,全球性的北极国际合作问题应该得到我们的关注和重视。     

Strengthening international mediation

Conclusion Any of these models can be pursued in tandem with any other. There are undoubtedly other options as well so these must be considered illustrative of what might be done.Such an informal approach to improving and extending the practice of international mediation would not preclude the eventual creation of a more formal organizational structure at some point should that be deemed useful. Indeed, it might prepare the way.If it is too soon to know whether or how a more formal service should be designed, perhaps the soundest way to begin is with a loose network offering an array of support services that can grow organically as it proves useful. William L. Ury is Associate Director of the Avoiding Nuclear War Project at the John F. Kennedy School of Government and Director of the Nuclear Negotiation Project, 513 Pound Hall, Harvard Law School, Cambridge, Mass. 02138. His publications includeBeyond the Hotline: How Crisis Control Can Prevent Nuclear War (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1985) and, with Roger Fisher,Getting to YES: Negotiating Agreement Without Giving In (Houghton Mifflin, 1981).This column was composed as a think-piece for the Working Session on International Mediation held at the Carter Center of Emory University in Atlanta, Georgia, May 28–29, 1987, and cosponsored by the Program on Negotiation at Harvard Law School and the Carter Center. For their suggestions and ideas, I am indebted to Brian Urquhart, Harold Saunders, Larry Susskind, Roger Fisher, Cynthia Sampson, Bill Spencer and the members of the Core Group of the International Mediation Project (a faculty seminar sponsored by the Program on Negotiation).     

The international macroeconomic picture

Evoluzione dei settori industriali nel 1988 / Confin‐dustria. Centra Studi. ‐ Roma: SIPI, 1989. ‐ 357p. ‐ (Industria italiana). ‐ ISBN 88–7153–051–9.

Guida al 1992 ‐ Roma: Unistampa, 1989. ‐ 4v.

L'idea d'Europa nelpensiero di Altiero Spinelli / Andrea Chiti‐Batelli. ‐ Manduria: Lacaita, copyright 1989. 379p. ‐ (L'ltalia e l'Europa; 15).

Impariamo l'Europa: guida al 1992 / Fabio Cavaz‐za Rossi. ‐ Milano: Fendac Servizio, 1989. ‐ 174p. ‐ (Tempo reale)

1992: Europa senza frontiere? / Pier Virgilio Dasto‐li. ‐ Bologna: il Mulino, copyright 1989. ‐ 179p. ‐(Coritemporanea; 31). ‐ ISBN 88–15–02305–4

Obiettivo Mediterraneo / Piero Baroni. ‐ 2.ed. ‐Trento: L. Reverdito, 1989. ‐ 221p. ISBN 88–342–4047–2.

Perestrojka e ristrutturazione produttiva: esperienze e prospettive economiche in Unione Sovietica e in Italia / edited by Abel G. Aganbegjan ... [et al.]. ‐ Bologna: il Mulino, copyright 1989. ‐ 344p. (Temi e discussioni). ‐ ISBN 88–15–02321–6

La prospettiva euro‐mediterranea: per una cooper‐azione globale nella ‘regione’ del Mediterraneo / Giovanni Bersani. ‐ Bologna: CEFA, [19989]. ‐102p.

I rapporto CSC: progresso tecnico, investimenti e politiche industriali / Confindustria. Centro Studi. ‐ Roma, SIPI, 989. ‐ 95p. (L'industria italiana). ‐ISBN 88–7153–065–9     

Transforming international communications strategies

The strategy used by governments to communicate with foreign populations has changed dramatically in the twentieth century. The need perceived by governments to use such a strategy in the first place derived from numerous social changes in the 150 years before World War I, most particularly the increased role played in politics by the masses organized in nation‐states. The shifting strategy of persuasive communication since then forms part of a broader transformation of international political communication which includes technological change, organizational developments, and absolute but not necessarily relative growth in international communications transactions.

The predominant strategy developed in World War I was propaganda. It used fairly straightforward appeals to rationality, sense of morality, and such important but readily accessible emotions as hatred. Its excesses, especially the wide dissemination of atrocity stories which did not bear up well under later dispassionate examination, at once made all propaganda suspect and alerted governments to the necessity of refining their communicative techniques for the eventuality of future international conflicts.

The years before and during World War II saw international communicators—especially Goebbels in Nazi Germany and the Anglo‐American psychological warriors—develop a new strategy which utilized new knowledge about the psychological roots of human behavior. In addition to straightforward appeals to the consciousness of individuals, they sought to manipulate their audiences by playing on their deep‐seated desires and fears. Of particular importance for Nazi Germany were the allegedly racial ties of the individual to a people and the need for figures of authority.

First major experiments were made in World War II to develop an even more basic strategy of international communication: structuring the situation in which people learn their predispositions, perspectives, and behaviors. Its basic idea is to create situations in which the communicator does not have to tell the targeted audience anything at all, but in which the audience, left to its own devices, can only come to the conclusions desired by the communicator. Thus strategic bombing sought to destroy the morale of the enemy's home front and, through that action, to weaken its war‐making capacity. The postwar occupation of Germany originally sought to create a new environment in which Germans could be reeducated to democracy. Subsequent emphasis has also been on communications aimed at generating certain predispositions, such as a desire for consumer goods or a particular political style, which then spawn appropriate perspectives and behaviors.

This new strategy of structural communication has its limits. The most important of these is the difficulty of controlling all aspects of a foreign population's communications environment (which includes traditions, face‐to‐face networks, and conflicting sources of information). The potential importance of the strategy nonetheless makes it likely that governments will continue to work toward its development and implementation for their own international political purposes.