《伊斯兰极端组织现状》专题之四 东南亚主要伊斯兰极端组织现状

与中东、南亚一些长期遭受恐怖活动折磨的地区相比,东南亚恐怖活动并不“十分严重”。但2002年印尼巴厘岛爆炸案后,东南亚面临的恐怖威胁急剧增加。一方面,国际恐怖主义的兴起、国内政局的动荡和贫富差距的拉大,使二战后该地区长期存在的分离主义运动日趋激烈;另一方面,中央政府控制力的减弱也使一些国家的恐怖活动无法得到遏制和清除。虽然“9·11”事件后,东南亚国家便积极合作反恐,且内容不断扩展,程度不断加深,但效果并不理想。东南亚主要恐怖组织的核心力量并未遭受重创,仍有策划和实施“大案”的能力,它们的势力范围还在进一步拓展。…     

“9·11”事件后东南亚国家的经济形势

“9·11”事件是进入新世纪后的一个重大事件 ,对国际政治经济发展产生了重大影响。受“9·11”事件的影响 ,东南亚地区政治经济形势出现了明显的变化。分析这些变化对于认识东南亚政治经济发展趋势 ,加强中国与东南亚国家政治、经济合作有积极的意义。本文重点对“9·11”事件后受影响较大的东南亚国家的经济形势作一些分析。一1997年东南亚金融危机发生后 ,经过几年的努力 ,东南亚国家经济有所恢复。到 2 0 0 0年上半年 ,泰国、马来西亚、菲律宾等受金融危机打击较重的国家经济状况逐步好转。在“9·11”事件发生之前 ,世界经济形势已经不…     

雅典奥运会安全面临的威胁及应对措施

第28届奥运会将于今年8月13—29日在希腊首都雅典举行。这是“9·11”事件后的首届夏季奥运会,希腊当局在安保上投入了大量的人力、物力和财力。但由于恐怖活动阴云笼罩,加之其他一些不安定因素,世界各国仍高度关注此届奥运的安保问题。有反恐专家指出,经历了“9·11”事件和“3·11”马德里爆炸案后,雅典奥运会有可能成为“反恐奥运会”。     

拉丹恐怖资金网内幕和世界金融反恐情况

“9·11事件”后,美国在军事反恐同时,又打响金融反恐战。布什宣布,“将断绝恐怖分子的财源”,并立即冻结了27个与奥萨马·本·拉丹恐怖网有牵连组织的资产。金融反恐战已被美并重于打击“基地”组织的军事行动。     

美国"重返东南亚"及其对亚太安全的影响

上世纪 90年代中期以来 ,特别是“9·11事件”后和反恐战争开始以来 ,美国逐渐加强在东南亚的军事存在和军事活动 ,这被称为“重返东南亚”。其主要特点有 :扩大美在这一地区的军事存在、军事合作及加大反恐力度等。其战略企图是为了加强在亚太地区的主导地位、深化反恐战争以及接触、防范和制约中国。美国“重返东南亚”虽然有助于打击恐怖主义 ,但将使东南亚地区的政治形势更加错综复杂 ,增加了美国军事干预其他亚太事务的可能性。     

新加坡伊斯兰祈祷团事件与东南亚反恐斗争

“9·11事件”之后 ,东南亚恐怖主义组织的活动引起东南亚各国政府的高度关注。新加坡伊斯兰祈祷团事件是“9·11”之后东南亚国家打击伊斯兰极端分子的重大行动 ,而印尼巴厘岛爆炸案件更是使伊斯兰祈祷团组织的面目显露出来。通过新加坡伊斯兰祈祷团组织的活动 ,可以看出东南亚恐怖主义组织的一些内幕及其国际联系。     

2005～2006年新加坡回顾与展望

2005年,新加坡加大反恐力度,政治、社会稳定;经济增长比预期好,全年经济增长率为6.4%。一、政治、社会(一)加大反恐力度,确保政治社会稳定自美国发生9·11恐怖袭击事件后,新加坡采取一系列措施加大反恐斗争力度,以确保国家安全。自2001年以来新加坡已逮捕30多名“伊斯兰团”成员。2005年7月7日英国伦敦发生多起爆炸事件后,新加坡迅速采取行动,全面提升全国的安全保卫工作。10月1日,印度尼西亚巴厘岛爆炸案发生后,新加坡政府告诫国人不可因未遭到恐怖袭击而掉以轻心,应随时准备应对恐怖袭击。2005年11月11日,新加坡内政部逮捕了一名东南亚恐…     

“9·11”事件对东南亚的影响和中国与东盟的关系

一、东盟整体的态度 "9·11"事件之后,东南亚认为是国际关系新一页的开始,确定了美国的霸权和领导地位.东盟清楚地认识到美国打击恐怖主义并不是为了东南亚的利益,但面临的选择只有支持或反对.为了东南亚的利益,东南亚普遍支持美国对恐怖主义采取的报复行动,但实际上它们主要是强调对国际恐怖活动打击和自身的利益,而不是完全跟着美国走.     

国际反恐得失评价

“9·11”袭击事件以来 ,国际社会在联合推进反恐方面取得了进展。但美国在反恐中奉行单边主义强硬政策 ,导致国际社会的广泛不满 ,也加剧了恐怖主义的报复行动 ,国际反恐效果很不理想。这其中有许多深刻教训需要国际社会认真反思和汲取。     

坚持和平发展,维护战略机遇期

“9·11事件”是冷战结束后最具标志性的事件。值此“9·11”五周年之际,《现代国际关系》编辑部举办了“‘9·11’以来国际形势变化与中国外交”专题研讨会,邀请在京二十余位国际问题专家就五年来的国际形势变化、反恐形势、当前国际体系中的深层矛盾、大国关系的调整、国际格局的演变趋势、美国反恐的得与失、美国国际地位及实力的升与降、中国国际地位与国际战略等问题进行了深入分析和探讨。现将与会专家学者的主要观点辑录刊发,以期对读者把握国际战略形势及理解中国对外战略有所裨益。     

The ghosts of state terror: knowledge,politics and terrorism studies

Employing a discourse analytic approach, this paper examines the silence on state terrorism within the broader terrorism studies literature. An analysis of this literature reveals that state terrorism is noticeable mainly for its absence as a subject of systematic academic study. Following the textual analysis, the main finding – the silence on state terrorism within terrorism studies – is subjected to both a first- and second-order critique. A first-order or immanent critique uses a discourse's internal contradictions, mistakes and misconceptions to criticise it on its own terms. In this case, the absence of state terrorism is criticised for its illogical actor-based definition of terrorism, its politically biased research focus, and its failure to acknowledge the empirical evidence of the extent and nature of state terrorism. A second-order critique entails reflecting on the broader political and ethical consequences of the representations enabled by the discourse. It is argued that the absence of state terrorism from academic discourse functions to promote particular kinds of state hegemonic projects, construct a legitimising public discourse for foreign and domestic policy, and deflect attention from the terroristic practices of states. The exposure and destabilisation of this dominant narrative also opens up critical space for the articulation of alternative and potentially emancipatory forms of knowledge and practice.     

Why terrorism can,but should not be defined

This article seeks to turn the debate about the definition of terrorism on its head by arguing: (1) that the definitional debate has served to obscure the substantial scholarly consensus that actually exists on what terrorism is; (2) that this consensus is, however, largely unnecessary and irrelevant to the effective use of the term in the heterogeneous contexts within which it is employed; and (3) that by focusing on the quest for a definition of terrorism, terrorism scholars have largely missed the really interesting question about the word, namely, why it is that, given the heterogeneous purposes and contexts for which the word is used, we nonetheless continue to use a single word for all. In other words, how is it that we continue to know terrorism when we see it?     

How ‘terrorism’ does not end: the case of the Official Irish Republican Army

This paper is the first critical analysis of terrorism disengagement by the Official Irish Republican Army (OIRA). This process was conducted in instalments over nearly three decades. It has not been theoretically assessed as far as studies on ‘how terrorism ends’ are concerned, and it does not fit into any existing models of terrorism disengagement. The end of terrorism in relation to the OIRA is not only the story of a terrorist organisation ending its armed activities, but also a case study of terrorism disengagement with important policy implications for decision-makers faced with the threat of terrorism.     

Terrorism,war and the economy of scale: an interview with Ted Goodnight

Apart from the great debates on the definition of terrorism or its causes, the discussion about whether ‘new terrorism’ can really be considered new or not has become one of the central disagreements in terrorism research. This article will respond to the criticism voiced by some of the proponents of the ‘new terrorism’ idea and reflect on the merits of their arguments. It will emphasis the importance of words and the implication of small predicates such as ‘new’ for the construction of terrorism and our reaction to it.     

Confrontations on the Issue of Terrorism Between Iran and the U.S. after 1979

The issue of terrorism has been a significant source of influence on the relationship between Iran and the U.S. since the Islamic Revolution. Iran's friendship with extremist groups that are designated as terrorist groups by the U.S. State Department is seriously challenging America's foreign policy. This article attempts to explore the prospect of confrontations on the issue of terrorism between Iran and the U.S. through a detailed analysis of their different interpretations and mutual recognitions of terrorism and through an in-depth analysis of the measures each party has taken regarding this confrontation. This article argues that the confrontation between Iran and the U.S. regarding the issue of terrorism is not strictly about terrorism. Rather, it is also about the conflicts of policies that result from different security interests and political values. Resolving the issue of terrorism depends on the reconciliation of the relationship between Iran and the U.S. Without mutual trust between the two nations, Iran will continue to support extremist groups in order to increase its influence against the external and internal pressures it is currently under, and the U.S. will continue to contain Iran's regional ambitions and seek changes in its behavior.     

东南亚反恐难点和走向及云南国际大通道建设的对策

东南亚地区的恐怖袭击活动在最近几年异常活跃 ,恐怖爆炸与袭击此起彼伏 ,形势令人担忧。很显然 ,东南亚已经变成了恐怖分子活动的重灾区之一。日益猖獗的恐怖活动给东南亚地区的安全、稳定与发展造成了极大的威胁。在今后相当一段时间内本地区很可能仍是反恐的主要场所 ①,成为“反恐的第二阵线”(布什语)。伊斯兰教作为东南亚地区的一种外来宗教 ,其传入后大量地融入了当地的本土文化因素 ,因此一般认为东南亚的伊斯兰教是比较温和的。但是巴厘岛爆炸案等事件却使人们开始关注东南亚伊斯兰教极端主义势力。这里恐怖主义网络异常活跃 ,各种…     

Was Idi Amin's Government a Terrorist Regime?

What does state terrorism look like? How do we distinguish it from other forms of mass state violence, such as repression or genocide? Based on the developing literature on state terrorism, this study presents three expectations that violence perpetrated by the state should meet if it is to be classified as state terrorism: these are (a) that the violence is perpetrated by agents of the state, (b) that the violence is visible, and (c) that state terrorism focused against a state's own citizens will be carried out by an autocratic, personalistic regime. Drawing substantially on a series of primary sources, this study demonstrates that Idi Amin's regime in Uganda from 1971 to 1979 did engage in state terrorism against its own citizens.     

中俄美大三角与中亚的地缘政治战略——兼论上海合作组织的国际地位

随着苏联的解体和原加盟共和国的纷纷独立,中亚在全球地缘政治和战略上的重要地位日益凸显.中、俄、美三国与中亚均有利益关系,三国对中亚所持的政治态度及其地缘政治战略各有特点.在"9·11"事件后大三角关系在中亚的演变,使上海合作组织在中亚具有显赫地位及影响力.在一定时期内,三国将在中亚地区以反恐合作为契机,以合作为动力,共创"三赢"的局面.     

Groupthink and Terrorist Radicalization

Why do groups adopt terrorism? Major theories of terrorist radicalization assume it to be a rational process whereby groups select terrorism as the policy most likely to advance their goals. Not all terrorism is rational, however, and these theories cannot explain cases when groups pursue terrorism despite it being self-defeating. We distinguish between rational and irrational terrorism, and explain the latter using social psychology's groupthink mechanism. Although terrorists are widely assumed to be vulnerable to groupthink, empirical work on the phenomenon has focused overwhelmingly on decision-making by national executives. We firmly establish the link between groupthink and terrorist radicalization by tracing groupthink's operation through the development of the Weather Underground, an American terrorist group that emerged in the late 1960s and conducted six years of bombings against the U.S. government. All of the antecedent conditions, symptoms, and decision-making defects predicted by groupthink are evident in the Weather Underground, providing valuable evidence of the dangers of irrational radicalization and offering lessons for its prevention.