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1.
2015年《中华人民共和国国家安全法》从法律层面界定了中国国家安全的内涵和外延,其中包括维护在南极等新型领域的国家安全。由于中国南极事业的开展须遵循一系列的南极法律规制,因此南极法律规制的发展对中国在南极的国家安全利益具有重要意义。南极法律规制的主要内容包括和平利用与非军事化、搁置和冻结主权要求、科学研究自由、海洋生物资源养护、海事安全以及全面保护环境等。近年来,随着人类南极活动的扩展,南极法律规制出现了一些前沿性的问题,如南极主权要求国仍然强化权利主张,南极旅游和非政府活动、航空活动、特别区域保护等规则酝酿发展以及南极环境损害责任制度面临重新谈判等。这些趋势将对中国在南极的国家安全利益产生深远影响,中国可通过国内立法、发布政策文件、积极行使享有的国际法权利等途径来维护国家的南极利益。  相似文献   

2.
汪巍 《和平与发展》2012,(2):65-69,72
信用评级业是维护国家金融主权和经济安全的重要力量,中国信用评级业正开拓国内与国际两个市场,在高度垄断的全球信用评级市场力争扩大国际话语权。而美国评级机构不断加大向其他国家渗透,还借助中国被收购公司的分支机构,迅速将触角伸展到全中国,直接或间接从事所有评级和相关业务。为扩大我国信用评级机构的市场份额,中方应培育扶持民族信用评级机构,设计科学的评级指标体系,加强评级机构行业自律和内部管理制度的建设,依赖自己的力量维护国家金融安全。  相似文献   

3.
Although a plethora of research has examined US efforts to combat terrorism both at home and abroad, very few scholars have investigated the unprecedented relationships among US national security institutions and urban law enforcement agencies that have emerged since the events of 9/11. Through evidence culled from semi-structured interviews with 28 security planners in Washington DC and New York City, this article explains how path dependence, isomorphism and diffusion are propagating the application of military doctrine within domestic security initiatives through ‘intelligence fusion’. With particular attention to the Lower Manhattan Security Initiative, this investigation builds upon a body of work that has emerged in recent years by charting the institutional and technological architectures that are driving the deployment of paramilitary tactics and surveillance systems in cities.  相似文献   

4.
A U.S.military strategy report published in 2009 provides an assessment of China's overall national security environment and regional issues over the next 25 years.China's future international strategi...  相似文献   

5.
The issue of terrorism has been a significant source of influence on the relationship between Iran and the U.S. since the Islamic Revolution. Iran's friendship with extremist groups that are designated as terrorist groups by the U.S. State Department is seriously challenging America's foreign policy. This article attempts to explore the prospect of confrontations on the issue of terrorism between Iran and the U.S. through a detailed analysis of their different interpretations and mutual recognitions of terrorism and through an in-depth analysis of the measures each party has taken regarding this confrontation. This article argues that the confrontation between Iran and the U.S. regarding the issue of terrorism is not strictly about terrorism. Rather, it is also about the conflicts of policies that result from different security interests and political values. Resolving the issue of terrorism depends on the reconciliation of the relationship between Iran and the U.S. Without mutual trust between the two nations, Iran will continue to support extremist groups in order to increase its influence against the external and internal pressures it is currently under, and the U.S. will continue to contain Iran's regional ambitions and seek changes in its behavior.  相似文献   

6.
This article demonstrates the role and importance of EU agencies in the EU’s regulatory environment, and considers the consequences of an absence of cooperation through agencies for internal security. It does so by exploring the case study of the anti-counterfeiting activities of the European Union Intellectual Property Office (EUIPO), and what happens when a state no longer benefits from membership of an EU agency. The effective protection of consumers from counterfeit goods is dependent upon identifying best practices, sharing information on counterfeiting trends, and coordinating responses, activities undertaken through EU agencies. This article demonstrates that the ability of states to effectively counter the sale of counterfeit goods is dependent upon the existence of EU agencies due to the need for transnational cooperation. In the absence of EU agencies, states are likely to suffer diminished operational expertise and a lack of in-depth knowledge concerning counterfeiting trends. It concludes that the EU agencies form an essential part of EU security governance, with states not party to these cooperative endeavours rendered vulnerable and unable to combat at a national level what is ultimately a global problem.  相似文献   

7.
《Orbis》2018,62(4):655-669
The past decade has witnessed a sea change in U.S. military engagement in Africa. With the establishment of a new permanent command, significant increases in security assistance, and the pioneering of new tactics driven by technical innovations in intelligence analysis and drone warfare, the U.S. military has become an integral player in the continent's security. Nevertheless, there exist few assessments of the extent to which increased U.S. military engagement is paying dividends. This article examines how the current U.S. military strategy in Africa is different from those in the past and whether it is meeting the stated U.S. objectives of neutralizing transnational threats while contributing to the continent's political stability. It finds that U.S. performance is mixed, with recent successes at containing the spread of al Qaeda and Islamic State affiliated groups coming at the potential detriment of longer-term regional security. The article concludes with recommendations aimed at helping the armed forces of the U.S. and other regional actors better fight terrorism while managing political risks.  相似文献   

8.
In its quest for security and under constant threats, the Israeli state has assigned wide-ranging powers to its intelligence services. These powers include deep incursions into individual liberties and privacy, powers of detention and interrogation, as well as involvement in assassinations. To ensure that those powers are only used legally and against real threats, a system of legal controls and parliamentary oversight over the intelligence community has developed incrementally. The article examines the development of intelligence oversight in Israel and analyses its performance and limits. The article begins by examining historical milestones in the development of intelligence oversight, including the Tubianski affair, official assassinations and ‘Committee-X’, and the ‘Bus 300’ affair. It then analyses the 2002 General Security Service Law and the work of the Intelligence Community Disciplinary Court and the Knesset Intelligence Sub-committee. The roles of Commissions of Inquiry and of the State Comptroller are discussed against the background of various intelligence failures and scandals. The article concludes with a discussion of the strengths and limitations of intelligence oversight in Israel.  相似文献   

9.
自奥巴马政府以来,特别是新冠肺炎疫情暴发后,国家安全在美国全球供应链调整中的影响日益彰显。在国家安全的视域下,美国政府调整全球供应链的逻辑依据为“国防论”与“选择性贸易保护主义”。美国的国家安全侧重国家利益与价值,全球供应链调整则诉求产品(或服务)的可替换性,二者交互作用,贸易保护主义性质的“国防论”与“选择性贸易保护主义”就成为分析美国全球供应链调整的理论分析框架。“国防论”侧重诠释具有国防意义产品(或服务)的进出口,而“选择性贸易保护主义”则分析了普通贸易实践对美国整体福利乃至国家安全的损害。美国在国家安全视域下调整全球供应链的路径依赖于软硬两种手段。一是无弹性的硬手段,表现为官僚体制、决策机制、相关法律制度与管理规范,美国全球供应链上的企业必须遵守,其具有吓阻功能。二是具有弹性的软手段,体现为国家战略以及政策说明等,其不具有强制性。基于此,这一研究有助于进一步厘清时下美国政府变动不居的对华经贸政策,构建合作与开放的中美经贸关系。  相似文献   

10.
The national security consequences of the potential use of the Internet by terrorist organizations have attracted the interest of many academics and government and intelligence officials. The goal of this article is to provide a new explanatory angle concerning the possible targets of terrorists’ offensive information warfare (OIW) operations. It argues that these organizations may prove more valuable and effective to undermine on‐line activities of leading electronic commerce sites than to target elements of the critical national information infrastructure. These offensive actions, in fact, would directly impact one of the explanatory elements for the Internet's success: users’ perception of its trustworthiness. Before tackling its arguments, the article provides a definition of offensive information warfare. Then, it investigates how terrorist organizations would formulate their operational style concerning offensive information warfare. The stage is then set to define the central argument of the article by drawing from studies carried out in the areas of information security, international management and electronic commerce. The article concludes with a set of policy recommendations to counter these potential threats and thus make the Internet a safer communication instrument for economic, commercial and social development.  相似文献   

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