新加坡威权政治：特征、基础及其走向

新加坡的威权政治是一种现代型的集权政治模式。自20世纪60年代中期以来，新加坡政府以集权主义的现代形式去推进国家建设，以勤政务实的现实主义态度去解决不同时期的历史课题，将国家的发展和民众的行为纳入一种既有传统精神又有现代气息的政治秩序之中，使国家经济高速发展的同时又能维持社会的政治稳定，创造了举世称道的“新加坡奇迹”。新加坡威权政治及其演变，对于广大的发展中国家尤其是东亚、东南亚国家的政治建设而言，有积极的启示意义和借鉴作用。     

Capitalism,Democracy and the War in Iraq

Although Saddam Hussein was a bloody tyrant, and although deposing him served a noble purpose, one still may doubt the wisdom of the American war against Iraq. It is quite dubious whether the democratisation of Iraq can serve as a justification of the American war effort. Properly understood, the democratic peace proposition does not promise that poor, emerging, and illiberal democracies surrounded by autocracies are more peaceful than autocracies. By itself, the transition towards democracy is quite likely to imply some semi-democratic phase when the country is at risk of civil war. Moreover, the democratic peace proposition says nothing at all about the likelihood of success of democratisation in a poor, oil-rich, Arab and Muslim country where there is little common ground to unite the democracy-imposing occupier and the defeated country. Finally, defeating the insurgency in the Sunni triangle of Iraq might require means which a democracy cannot even wish to apply. Whereas the promotion of democracy by war looks like a dead end and is doomed to failure, the prospects of promoting peace by exporting capitalism, growth, and prosperity look much better. Such a strategy even serves the purpose of later democratisation of those countries that now accept only creeping capitalism.     

朝鲜的国土规划与开发

朝鲜属于较早实施有规划管理与开发的国家 ,长期的国土规划与开发实践 ,使朝鲜积累了一套行之有效的具体措施。朝鲜在实施国土规划与开发过程中所积累的经验和作法 ,取得了很大成效。     

Capitalism,uneven and combined development and the transhistoric

What is the status of Trotsky's notion of uneven and combined development within Marxist theory and how might it be fruitfully employed by Marxists in international relations? Is uneven and combined development a transhistoric general abstraction or does it need rooting in the relations, processes, tendencies and counter-tendencies of a particular mode of production? This article rejects Justin Rosenberg's recently drawn conclusion that uneven and combined development is usefully understood as a transhistoric general abstraction that potentially offers the basis of a transhistoric theory of the international. Instead it questions the value of transhistoric categories for Marxist theory and pursues the argument that uneven and combined development is best understood within the relations, processes and tendencies of the capitalist mode of production, arguing that capitalist social relations and political forms are historically unique in their capacity to generate both combination and unevenness.     

国际环境对东南亚威权政治的影响

冷战期间,东南亚国家处在冷战的全球国际大环境之下的“热战”地区国际小环境之中。两种制度之间的争夺、美苏中三大国之间的角逐对东南亚国家推行威权政治起到了一定的推动作用。由于实行威权政治的东南亚各国的国情不同,国际环境对它们的作用方式和影响效果也不尽相同。本文试对新加坡、印度尼西亚和菲律宾三国的情况进行初步的分析。     

Global Knowledge Capitalism,Self-woven Safety Nets,and the Crisis of Employability

In the global economy, workers are increasingly expected to cultivate an unprecedented repertoire of abilities in an immaterial world of work. This signifies a limited shift in capitalist expansion in the post-Fordist world in relation to workers' employability therein. A model of worker subjectivity was introduced into Western management and psychology discourse surrounding employability in the 1960s and 1970s. In a developed, post-industrial global economy, management has begun to view workers less as cogs in the wheel or less as rational and predictable entities than as dynamic individuals with the capacity for symbolic reasoning, intelligence, independently generated ideas, and even the desire to work for the sake of self-fulfilment! The Fordist workplace was expected to become a distant memory and organisations were to become “learning organisations” rather than the hierarchical, Dickensian workfloors of the manufacturing age. Nevertheless, rather than offering freedom from the iron cage of capitalism, workers face a contemporary form of coercion that substitutes political representation with a set of expectations and limitations intended, ironically, to result in workplace emancipation. Emphasis on employability of individuals through workers' creation of self-woven safety nets demonstrates an elite-led project to reduce government responsibility for employment welfare. In order to make this claim, the article looks at the case of education policy in South Korea after the economic crisis of 1997.     

拉美的资本主义:转型期的经济和社会政策

过去30年中,与预期相悖,拉美经济表现不佳,多种结构性缺陷正在加深.尽管该地区近期出现了出口商品繁荣,但过去20年(1986～2006)的平均增长率仅为2.8%,几乎落后于世界所有其他地区.新自由主义改革未能激发出预期的增长水平,而且几乎未能改变拉美一贯严重的贫困和收入不平等.     

新加坡与韩国国有企业改革及管理体制的比较

20世纪 6 0年代中期以后 ,新加坡和韩国的经济获得了巨大的发展 ,成为“亚洲四小龙”的成员。而国有企业在它们的经济发展中发挥了重要的作用。新加坡国有企业管理体制是以三个层次和两个分离为基本构架 ,韩国国有企业则是以经营绩效评估制度为核心和特点。通过对新加坡、韩国国有企业管理体制进行比较分析 ,从中得出对我国国有企业改革的有益启示。     

俄与朝韩经贸合作发展状况剖析

近年来,俄罗斯与朝鲜、韩国经贸合作关系发生了较大的变化,即俄朝双边经贸合作由20世纪90年代的急剧萎缩到现在又开始逐渐升温,同期俄韩经贸合作则由迅速扩大转为发展速度相对放缓,形成较大的反差.目前,俄罗斯又成为朝鲜继中国、韩国之后的第三大贸易伙伴和重点引进外资的对象国,而俄韩之间则变化不大,在对方的对外贸易中所占的位置一直在第十位之后. 今后,俄对朝韩的经贸关系均会有较快的发展,前景较为看好.     

Indigeneity,Ethnicity, and the State: Australia,Fiji, and New Zealand

This article draws on the politics of indigeneity to distinguish the claims of first occupancy from simple ethnic identity politics, illustrating that relative political marginalization in Australasia is not so much a function of minority status but of indigeneity itself. The politics of indigeneity's aim is to create political space for self-determination and a particular indigenous share in the sovereign authority of the nation-state itself. The Australasian states are compared with Fiji to demonstrate that the significance of historical constraints on political authority transcend the withdrawal of a colonial power and the restoration of collective indigenous majority population status.     

论欧元与福利资本主义的非相容性

如果说全球化已经开始挑战欧美的福利资本主义,那么欧元的运行和发展则进一步侵蚀了欧洲的福利资本主义.从历史上看,资本主义的福利国家制度本身的建立与发展就是以国家掌握货币主权为前提条件的.欧元区成员国失去了货币主权后,也就失去了继续推行福利资本主义的一个最重要的工具.这对高福利的欧洲国家来说,必将产生巨大的社会调整成本.然而,当代福利国家的制度化已经形成了一个强大的社会机制,如采取过于激进的社会福利改革措施,有可能导致欧洲货币联盟的失败.     

Turkey: Security,State and Society in Troubled Times

Abstract

The end of the Cold War has allowed for a burgeoning of the security agendas to include a range of softer threats such as economic and social conditions and environmental damage alongside the more traditional military considerations. The Turkish national discourse, however, has largely diverged from these global trends with militaristic perspectives still dominating and guiding the Turkish security agendas, almost exclusively, throughout the 1990s. This article argues that the roots of such enduring centrality of security, as understood and interpreted along the traditional lines, lie in the variables of history and ideology and the way in which these variables are reflected in modern Turkish society and identity.     

Flipping the Switch: Combat,State Building,and Junior Officers in Iraq and Afghanistan

Contemporary us counterinsurgency doctrine in Iraq and Afghanistan requires junior leaders to engage in both combat and state-building activities. This study aims to explain the fundamental challenge in merging these. I argue that difficulty lies in separating insurgents from civilians, and translating doctrine from senior to junior officers. Junior officers consistently develop a similar ad hoc decision-making tool— role-switching—to simplify complex situations to a binary of “hostile or not.” They understand themselves to fill only two roles, the violent “on” role and the non-violent “off” role and develop several tools to minimize the difficulty of role-switching, help their subordinates switch, and signal switching to local populations. Ultimately, however, problems with role-switching—role stickiness, inappropriate switching, and role bias—can in some cases encourage indiscriminate and excessive violence, pointing to the fundamental failures of using military forces as a one-size-fits-all solution to state-building projects abroad.     

新一轮朝鲜核危机与日、韩、美3国协调体制

新一轮朝鲜半岛核危机正在挑战美国的反恐新战略。同时 ,朝鲜南北和谈、日朝平壤宣言 ,东北亚两大历史事件也冲击了美日、美韩同盟。在这历史性的转换中 ,日、韩、美 3国协调体制将从同盟向外交转换。构筑TCOG和KEDO的新协调体制 ,是这一转换的重要形式。     

Globalization,Integration, and the European Welfare State

This paper considers three challenges to the mature European welfare states posed by economic and social integration, demographic changes, and the alleged decline of state capacity in the form of fiscal extraction in an era of globalization. I argue that the experiences of the older member states in the European Union are difficult to reconcile with the common assertions that globalization necessarily leads to a “race to the bottom” where welfare spending is downsized to the lowest common denominator. I develop a set of hypotheses on plausible linkages between demographic challenges, globalization, political capacity, and welfare spending, and test the propositions in an empirical analysis of 14 European Union member states from 1983 to 1998. My empirical results suggest that economic integration does not pose a threat to European welfare states. Rather, demographic changes such as low fertility rates and the aging of the population and their political implications for political leaders’ incentives are more serious challenges for the continuation of the welfare state in Europe.     

Legislative powers,veto players,and the emergence of delegative democracy: A comparison of presidentialism in the Philippines and South Korea

This article integrates institutional and rational choice approaches to policy making to explain the emergence of delegative democracy in presidential systems. Delegative democracy, in essence, is a polyarchy which violates the rules and norms that secure the checks on the effective political power of democratically elected presidents at the horizontal level of the relations of the executive, legislature and judiciary. The article argues that delegative democracy is the result of the interaction of two variables: the strength and types of presidents' legislative powers and the configuration of institutional and partisan veto players. Strong, proactive legislative powers and weak veto players permit presidents to establish a delegative democracy; weak, reactive legislative powers and strong veto players hamper the emergence of delegative democracy. This general assumption explains why presidentialism in South Korea and in the Philippines developed in different directions in the 1980s and 1990s. The analysis shows that in case of moderate legislative powers of the president, the number, coherence and ideological distance of partisan veto players becomes particularly important. It suggests that studies of democratic regimes should give special emphasis to the rules regulating the distribution of legislative powers between presidents and parliaments and the configuration of veto players.     

俄朝韩三国能源合作与我国的能源安全

俄罗斯的能源储量丰富,产量巨大,已成为世界第一大产油国。俄罗斯的能源出口,在世界市场上占有举足轻重的地位。俄韩能源合作历史较晚,潜力巨大。俄朝能源合作正在恢复,并不断加强。为了我国的能源安全,我国应积极参与俄朝韩三国的能源合作。