满铁与日本对中国东北移民述略

满铁作为日本“国策会社”，在日本向中国东北移民过程中，通过设置调查机关、投资成立移民执行机构、建立具有自身特色的移民组织等活动，大力支持并积极参与日本移民侵略。由于满铁与日本军方特殊的密切关系，也必然决定了其在日本对中国东北移民活动中，扮演着策划者和执行者的重要角色。     

论日本对中国东北地区的移民侵略──日本军国主义侵略本质的新视角

伪满14年期间,日本策划并实施了对中国东北的移民侵略,其政策是通过“移民计划大纲”、派遣“试验移民”及“百万户移民计划”来进行的。日本移民政策的形成过程、各种类型的移民活动及通过国家与民间的管理机构对进入中国东北移民的管理,是为了把日本移民组织成武装集团,监视和镇压当地人民,以达到其长期侵占中国东北的目的。     

福州赴日新移民的增长态势及其主要原因——以福清市为例

福州人绵延不绝地迁移日本，按人口比例，其数量全国最多，但其增长率却不高，远远低于福州迁移其他国家的移民。前者的原因是当地较为贫困，且有移民日本的传统，有深厚的移民网络；后者的原因是新移民在日本生存和发展困难，非正常渠道移民（非法移民）难以为继，有更合适的迁移国家。本文结合福清实例，对“新古典主义经济学移民理论”、“移民网络说”、“累积因果关系说”等国际移民理论的部分观点做简要述评。     

美国非法移民的现状与基本特点

非法移民在美国有着悠久的历史，自20世纪80年代以来，一直是美国政府与社会公众关注的焦点问题之一。作为典型的“移民国家”，美国在吸引合法移民的同时，也成为世界非法移民的主要目的国。然而，非法移民具有高度秘密性、极强流动性与灵活性等特点，从而导致美国对其非法移民的数量、来源和区域分布、家庭结构、教育程度和职业取向等问题难以做到全面而精确的统计。本文将以上述问题为框架，试图较为详尽地勾勒美国非法移民的当前现状，并对其基本特点作相应分析。     

福建新移民问题初探

“新移民”一般是指“改革开放以后移居国外的中国大陆公民”。本文剖析了福建新移民的规模、类型以及他们对福建社会经济发展的影响。同时,对如何进一步做好新移民工作,提出了一些看法。     

满铁与日本的中国东北移民

满铁作为日本“国策会社”，在日本向中国东北移民过程中，通过设置调查机关，投资成立移民执行机构，建立具有自身特色的移民组织等活动，大力支持并积极参与日本移民侵略。由于满铁与日本军方特殊的密切关系，也必然决定了其在日本对中国东北移民活动中，扮演着策划者和执行者的重要角色。     

中国的新移民与人口普查

前言改革开放后,中国大陆流往海外的人口有了增加。特别是在1986年出入境管理法公布后,前往海外的新移民人数急速上升。首先看一下所谓的“新移民”是什么意思。某资料认为,“所谓新移民,系泛指改革开放以后从中国大陆、港澳台等地移居国外并取得永久居住权——绿卡的华人”(《华侨与华人》,1999年第二期,第70页)。另一份资料(广州市归侨联合会)也认为,“所谓新移民,一般指我国改革开放以来通过各种途径移居国外的人员,或称新华侨华人。他们中有的是经过合法手续移居国外的;有的是出国留学、讲学、进修而居留不归的;有的则是非法移民而取得合法地位的”(《华侨与华人》,1999年第一期,第47页)。     

日本移民与伪满洲国的殖民地农业

日伪统治时期，日本帝国主义以“满蒙开拓团”的形式，将３０万左右日本农民强行移入中国东北。日本移民的大规模侵入，使日伪“国有”土地迅速膨胀，土地关系全面殖民地化。与此同时，日本移民的大量涌入，使东北水田开发有了显著的发展，使东北农业也打上了殖民地的烙印。     

有关美墨移民的几个问题

美国的墨西哥移民近20年来增长迅速,以致于对美国的经济、政治、文化生活造成了一定程度的冲击与挑战。美国政府对墨西哥移民的态度也从一开始的纵容、欢迎逐渐变为近期的排斥、抵制,但由于对移民成因和动机的错误认识,导致移民政策屡遭失败。美墨移民有着历史、文化、地缘等方面的独特性,这就决定单单依靠强硬的边界政策是无法根本解决问题的。要想趋利避害,有效解决美墨移民问题,就要对美墨移民的独特性有正确的认识,从而有针对性地制定出更加可行的移民政策。     

印度阿萨姆邦的非法移民问题

孟加拉国人在历史上曾长期向阿萨姆移民,但与非法扯上关系则是在印度独立后.大量孟加拉国移民的涌人给阿萨姆各方面都带来了巨大影响,阿萨姆当地人与移民经常发生冲突.印度中央政府和阿萨姆政府都表示要尽快解决非法移民问题,但由于遣返制度设计不严密、阿萨姆邦政党玩弄选票政治、具体防范措施不力以及孟加拉国不承认有非法移民,这一问题不可能在短期内得到解决.     

Refugee Return Migration: Return Migration from Sweden to Chile, Iran and Poland 1973 1996

In this paper, return migration from Sweden to three sourcesof refugee immigration is analysed, with a focus on the effectof political change in 1990. Chilean immigrants reacted morestrongly to political liberalization in the home country thanPolish immigrants did, primarily due to more favourable economiccircumstances in Chile compared to Poland in the 1990s. In fact,the increase in Polish return migration propensity after 1990is not statistically different from the Iranian increase, inspite of the absence of political liberalization in Iran. Thereare significant cohort differences within the Chilean group,indicating an element of economically motivated migration withinthe last waves of Chilean refugee immigration in the late 1980s.Hence, successful implementation of schemes of voluntary returnmigration for refugees will not only be dependent on an improvedpolitical situation in the source country, but will also behighly dependent on economic circumstances.     

俄罗斯的独联体劳动移民及相关问题分析

随着独联体经济一体化进程的逐步推进,劳动移民已成为独联体内部移民的主流,且劳动移民的流动具有单向性,即主要流向俄罗斯。俄罗斯境内独联体劳动移民规模的不断扩大引发了一系列经济和社会问题,独联体劳动移民问题成为困扰俄罗斯的一大难题。俄罗斯对独联体劳动移民的接收与拒绝的矛盾心态将构成其对独联体劳动移民政策的基础,限制性劳动移民政策将是其具体表现形式,且限制的内容将有所扩大。     

Uncertainty at the EU's borders: narratives of EU external relations in the revised European Neighbourhood Policy towards the southern borderlands

This article analyses the role of narratives in European Union (EU) external relations in the revised European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) and systematically explores how they operate in practice in the context of the EU's border management practices vis-à-vis the “southern borderlands”, in particular with respect to their inclusionary and exclusionary potential. Key EU documents and statements by EU agents, released throughout the first three years of Arab uprisings and pertaining to the revised ENP, will be subjected to a thorough examination which highlights four observations: first, in spite of the fact that the revised ENP is rooted in several narratives, some nevertheless dominate over others; second, the simultaneous presence of and recourse to different narratives contribute to an increase, rather than a decrease, of uncertainty in the EU's southern borderlands; third, despite a multitude of narratives which serve to legitimize EU action in the framework of the revised ENP, the latter perpetuates the logics of its predecessor by generating benefits mainly for the EU itself; fourth, that the first three years of the revised ENP have in practice demonstrated that an imbalance exists between on the one hand the original acceptance of the narratives by EU stakeholders and on the other hand their willingness to abide by them and fill them with life.     

沙俄远东移民运动史略

18 6 1年俄国农奴制改革后 ,俄政府将远东南部辟为重点移民区 ,俄国远东移民运动从此真正拉开帷幕。随着国内外政治经济形势的变化及交通条件的改善 ,沙俄远东移民运动经历了三个历史阶段 ,尤其在斯托雷平土地改革时期达到最高峰。移民运动为荒凉落后的远东地区经济开发奠定了基础。     

Urban Irregular Warfare and Violence Against Civilians: Evidence From a Colombian City

Defining terrorism and explaining how it occurs remains a contentious issue. This article attempts to generate new understandings on these topics by applying the work of Ehud Sprinzak's delegitimatization model to the Sea Shepherds. Evidence presented in the article suggests that the Sea Shepherd's present level of political violence passed through gradual phases. In this respect, it is possible to suggest that Sprinzak's model has applicability for maritime organizations, as well as terrestrial based groups. However, we also note that on the one hand, it may be possible to argue that in some respects the Sea Shepherds may constitute either a “blind spot” in the literature on terrorism and political violence, because its actions could in some circumstances be considered activism, militant direct action, piracy, vigilantism, terrorism, or eco-defense, which makes it very difficult to classify. On the other hand, that both the Sea Shepherds and the whalers may both engage in illegal activities, but are not prosecuted, may indicate that states and the international community may have neither the will nor the means to enforce laws against them. Therefore, they may be turning a blind eye to their actions. Throughout the article we maintain that the Sea Shepherds constitute an example of a gray area phenomenon. Despite the ambiguity surrounding their legal status and academic interpretations of their actions, the results of nearly three decades of the organization's activities, including its 2007 campaign to disrupt Japanese Antarctic Whaling, suggest that the Sea Shepherds may be best categorized as a vigilante group, because they claim they are seeking to enforce a legal status quo because of states' and the international community's inabilities or unwillingness to do so.     

Deterrence and Protection in the EU’s Migration Policy

EU migration and asylum policy is facing tough challenges at the southern borders of the Union as migration and asylum pressures rise, fuelled by political instability and poverty in several regions of Asia and Africa. Current European border control practices create three spaces of control: externalised borders, through readmission and return agreements which enrol third countries in border control; the EU borders themselves through the work of Frontex and the development of a whole arsenal of technology tools for controlling mobility to and from the EU; and the Schengen area, whose regulations tend to reinforce deterrence at the borders through the Smart Border System. As a result, the EU’s balancing act between irregular migration control and protection of refugees and human life clearly tips towards the former, even if it pays lip service to the latter. More options for mobility across the Mediterranean and more cooperation for growth are essential ingredients of a sustainable migration management policy on the EU’s southern borders. In addition asylum management could benefit from EU level humanitarian visas issued at countries of origin.     

“Ukraine Fatigue” and a New U.S. Agenda for Europe and Eurasia

Ukraine's current policy line is counterproductive, according to the authors. Not only may potential supporters be unable to help Ukraine, they will probably not want to help it and will ignore the consequences of its distress given their preoccupation with other problems. Then many wolves will flock not only to Ukraine's but to Europe's door obliging us then to confront a much greater crisis with fewer resources at hand to meet it.     

‘A question between empires’: the restriction of Japanese immigration in British Columbia and the reassessment of Japan's foreign policy, 1907–1908

Abstract

Great Britain was the first of the major Powers that revised its unequal treaty with Japan, recognizing the success of Japan's modernization and its growing role in the international arena. However, British Columbia perceived Japanese residents as a threat to ‘the British character’ of this regions' population profile. After the movement against Japanese residents in British Columbia peaked during the anti-Japanese riots in Vancouver in September of 1907, Canadian Minister of Labor Rodolphe Lemieux headed a diplomatic delegation to Tokyo to negotiate the restriction of Japanese immigration to Canada. The dispatch of this mission revealed some of the complexities in relations between the Colonial and Foreign Offices in London on the one hand and the Dominion's and British Columbian governments on the other. Based on previously unused primary sources, this article will examine the interplay between the policy towards Japanese migrants in the British Dominion of Canada and the British policy towards Japan as a nation.     

中国—东盟救灾区域公共产品供给研究——基于能力、效率、价值的三因素分析

鉴于越发频繁的自然灾难以及非传统安全的威胁,更加务实的救灾合作显得十分迫切。笔者在相关研究的基础之上,定性式的建立了包含能力、效率和价值的三要素救灾合作解释模型。三要素彼此不同却又相互关联,能力决定价值预期,效率决定价值的实现程度,价值作为激励因素反作用于能力与效率建设。以此为框架,解构中国—东盟救灾公共产品供给,思考中国推进中国—东盟救灾公共产品供给的对策。