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1.
对外直接投资的迅速增长是现阶段俄罗斯经济发展的一个显著态势。俄罗斯企业通过多方位对外投资,扩大了自身在全球经济中的影响。世界经济形势对俄罗斯企业对外投资是有利的。俄罗斯政府不断加强对企业境外投资的支持力度,并开始发挥一定作用。因此,在不远的将来,俄罗斯企业对外直接投资有望实现新的迅速增长。  相似文献   

2.
石岩 《亚非纵横》2015,(2):111-120,124,128
美国政府对本国企业对外直接投资和外商对美直接投资都进行了某种程度的干预,以服务于其战略目的、政治利益和经济政策目标。中美都是拥有独立对外战略和海外利益的大国,而中国正处于国内深化改革、对外直接投资格局初步形成、外资政策调整时期,为了更好地"走出去"和"引进来",必须对跨国直接投资进行合理干预,以辅助对外战略和经济目标的实现。在政策设计和论证中,应借鉴美国经验,结合中国实际,处理好产业升级与就业稳定、监管与开放,以及战略意义与商业利益三组关系。  相似文献   

3.
在"一带一路"建设不断推进的背景下,中国企业正加快对外直接投资的步伐,企业对任何国家的投资都面临着行业选择,本文以泰国为对象,研究中国企业直接投资的行业分布及主要原因。本文认为,随着泰国经济发展与投资优惠政策的变化,中国企业投资泰国行业选择应有所调整,并提出建议,以期对将到泰国投资的中国企业有所启示。  相似文献   

4.
长吉图先导区扩大利用外商直接投资研究   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
积极利用外商直接投资,对于促进长吉图先导区经济加快发展、全面提高对外开放水平和产业升级等都具有极为重要的意义。针对长吉图先导区利用外商直接投资存在的总体规模小、对外商直接投资具有较强承接能力的产业偏少、资金到位率波动明显且水平偏低等问题,长吉图先导区扩大利用外商直接投资,应该重点抓好全面优化投资环境、明确利用外商直接投资重点区域、拓宽利用外资领域、协调区域招商引资政策等工作。  相似文献   

5.
近10年来,中国和拉丁美洲国家的对外直接投资发展十分迅速,并已逐渐成为发展中国家和地区乃至全球范围内的新兴对外投资力量。中国与拉美国家同属于发展中世界,但二者实现开放发展的基础和方式不尽相同,对外直接投资的发展历程和企业能力来源也不同。本文在分析中国和拉美国家对外直接投资在发展趋势、行业分布、区位选择和企业性质多方面特征异同的基础上,通过比较研究二者对外直接投资发展的各阶段历程,解释其在对外直接投资表现特征上的各方面差异,并探究导致其差异形成的内在原因。由于改革开放模式的不同,中国对外投资发展进程具有连续性,而拉美国家则呈现波动性;全球金融危机之后中国和拉美国家对外投资都获得了快速发展的机遇。在对外投资能力上,中国明显集中于大型国有企业,投资领域包括能源、矿产以及广泛的制造业;拉美国家则主要是由实力雄厚的非国有企业所代表,投资领域集中在资源行业和以资源为基础的制造业。  相似文献   

6.
近10年来,中国和拉丁美洲国家的对外直接投资发展十分迅速,并已逐渐成为发展中国家和地区乃至全球范围内的新兴对外投资力量。中国与拉美国家同属于发展中世界,但二者实现开放发展的基础和方式不尽相同,对外直接投资的发展历程和企业能力来源也不同。本文在分析中国和拉美国家对外直接投资在发展趋势、行业分布、区位选择和企业性质多方面特征异同的基础上,通过比较研究二者对外直接投资发展的各阶段历程,解释其在对外直接投资表现特征上的各方面差异,并探究导致其差异形成的内在原因。由于改革开放模式的不同,中国对外投资发展进程具有连续性,而拉美国家则呈现波动性;全球金融危机之后中国和拉美国家对外投资都获得了快速发展的机遇。在对外投资能力上,中国明显集中于大型国有企业,投资领域包括能源、矿产以及广泛的制造业;拉美国家则主要是由实力雄厚的非国有企业所代表,投资领域集中在资源行业和以资源为基础的制造业。  相似文献   

7.
共建“一带一路”倡议实施为中国对东盟的直接投资带来了积极效应。随着我国经济由高速增长阶段向高质量发展阶段转变,我国对外直接投资也在朝高质量发展方向转变,这也是实现高质量共建“一带一路”的重要途径。当前,推动中国对东盟直接投资实现高质量发展还面临着直接投资规模有待扩大、直接投资国别有待平衡、直接投资行业结构有待优化,以及民营企业参与度有待提高等问题。为此,可以从积极完善和利用经贸合作平台,加强对《区域全面经济伙伴关系协定》等国际合作规则与政策的宣传,推动金融机构创新开展境外金融服务,加大对老挝、柬埔寨、文莱等东盟成员国的直接投资力度,推动知识和技术密集型企业“走出去”,以及积极引导民营企业“走出去”等方面着手推进,不断提升中国对东盟直接投资的效率。  相似文献   

8.
俄罗斯在大力引进外资的同时,积极发展对外直接投资.俄对独联体直接投资目标明确,独联体已成为继欧盟之后俄罗斯第二大对外直接投资地区.尽管如此,俄对独联体直接投资的总体规模还明显偏小.从未来的发展趋势看,俄对独联体的直接投资将呈增长态势,但仍存在种种制约因素.为使俄对独联体国家直接投资规模进一步扩大,俄还需从战略高度进一步认识对独联体投资的必要性和紧迫性,并结合实际确定俄企业对独联体直接投资的产业选择.同时,在国家支持、调整投资的地区结构、整合企业力量和解决债务问题等方面还要做出不懈的努力.  相似文献   

9.
20世纪90年代以来,随着东盟各国经济的发展和经济结构的调整,以及东盟区域经济合作的不断加强,东盟区域内直接投资获得了一定的发展。本文主要分析在东盟区域经济合作过程中,东盟区域内直接投资流动的一些基本特征包括流量规模特征、国别分布特征和行业分布特征,并对其作出简要评价。  相似文献   

10.
在国际直接投资环境复杂多样、投资结构和投资方式呈现多层次多渠道的背景下,中国应当结合自身的优势选择最适合的国际直接投资策略。从中国和越南的政策环境和市场环境来分析,越南应当成为中国企业对外直接投资的主要国家之一。中国应当结合这些环境优势,加大对越南的国际直接投资力度。  相似文献   

11.
日本跨国公司对俄罗斯直接投资的区位选择   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
跨国公司对外直接投资的区位选择至关重要。俄罗斯的区位优势主要集中在中部和西北部 ,以能源为中心的石油、天然气开发方面。日本对俄直接投资可分为三种类型。对俄直接投资企业面临着诸多制约因素 ,也积累了经验。在俄投资应选好区位、制定计划、从小规模投资开始 ,循序渐进 ,注意分散因俄投资环境不稳定所带来的风险  相似文献   

12.
俄罗斯远东地区由于具有丰富的资源和临近亚太地区,对国外的资金注入具有极大的吸引力。经济转轨以来,远东地区把发展外贸、吸引外资,作为加快地区经济发展,改革地区经济构成,促进工业现代化、丰富市场及加快向市场经济靠拢的重要措施。远东地区外资的分布不尽合理,各国投资的额度差距也很大。  相似文献   

13.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):303-325
Political risk is an important factor in the decision to invest abroad. While the investment potential might be lucrative, there is always the risk that the host government will expropriate the profits and assets of the foreign investor. Political institutions, however, can serve as constraints on the actions of political actors in the host country. We argue that federal structures lower political risk. Joint-reputational accountability in overlapping political jurisdictions increases the likelihood that investment contracts will be honored. Empirical analyses of cross-sectional time-series data for 115 countries, from 1975–1995, are used to study how political institutions affect foreign direct investment (FDI) flows. After controlling for the effect of relevant economic and political variables, we find that both democratic and federal institutions help attract FDI, although the additive effect of democracy and federalism is small. This is not surprising; democratic systems already have low political risk; they do not need the additional credibility that the federal system provides to attract FDI. In contrast, we expect that federal structures significantly improve the trustworthiness of less democratic states. Empirically, we find that less democratic countries with federal political systems attract some of the highest levels of FDI.  相似文献   

14.
Ka Zeng  Yue Lu 《国际相互影响》2016,42(5):820-848
This article examines the differentisal effects of specific provisions included in China’s bilateral investment treaties (BITs) in inducing foreign direct investment (FDI). Empirical analysis yields some evidence suggesting that while the signing of a BIT does not necessarily boost FDI, the entry into force of a BIT does exert a strong effect on investment flows. More importantly, we find substantial evidence that BITs with stronger investment protection provisions such as absolute and relative standards of treatment and dispute settlement procedures are more likely to induce greater FDI flows. These results suggest that the variation in the institutional design of bilateral investment treaties strongly influences FDI flows by shaping foreign investors’ expectations of their asset security and the overall stability of the host country investment environment.  相似文献   

15.
While political scientists find that democracy reduces political risk, little scholarship analyzes how authoritarian regimes attract foreign direct investment (FDI). This article argues that while authoritarian countries are generally risky, this risk can be minimized when authoritarian regimes are constrained from both “above” and “below.” Signing international investment treaties are critical for authoritarian countries to signal a commitment to FDI-friendly policies. However, only authoritarian signatories that allow some degree of public deliberation in their policymaking are then constrained from deviating from the policies of the international investment treaties. Panel statistical regressions and a case analysis support the hypothesis.  相似文献   

16.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):292-315
The article explores how International Monetary Fund (IMF) program design influences foreign direct investment inflows. The author argues that stricter IMF conditionality signals a program-participating government's commitment to economic reforms, as it incurs larger ex ante political cost and risks greater ex post political cost. Thus, the catalytic effect of an IMF program is conditional on conditionality: programs with stricter conditions catalyze more foreign direct investment than those with less stringent conditions. Empirical analysis of the IMF conditionality dataset supports the argument and shows that after accounting for IMF program participation, the more structural conditions included in an IMF program, the more foreign direct investment flows into the country.  相似文献   

17.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):119-133
This paper examines the role of FDI from the United States in the economic performance of East Asian NICs for 1966–2000. To this end, we draw our argument of the role of FDI from the modernization–dependency debate. Then, we test the economic effects of U.S. direct investment on economic growth in East Asian NICs using a neoclassical production function model that captures the economic impacts of both foreign and domestic investment on economic growth. Our empirical results show that U.S. direct investment has a positive and significant effect on economic growth in East Asian NICs.  相似文献   

18.
外国对俄远东地区直接投资结构分析   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
1998年金融危机后,外国对俄远东地区直接投资迅速增加。分析外国对俄远东地区直接投资结构的演进轨迹、投资部门结构和投资空间结构,对推动、扩大我省对远东地区的直接投资具有重要意义。  相似文献   

19.
Our study contributes to the search for the elusive catalytic effect of International Monetary Fund (IMF) lending on inflows of foreign direct investment (FDI). Recent scholarship has found that the catalytic effect is conditional on political regime and program stringency. We contribute to this literature by developing and testing a theory which describes how the catalytic effect also varies by economic sector. This is a departure from existing studies, which have tended to focus on aggregate FDI flows after crises. Our findings corroborate previous research, which finds that in general IMF lending has a substantial and negative effect on FDI. However, we find that the negative effect is concentrated in sectors that are highly dependent on external capital and have low sunk costs in the host country. Our findings are robust to several alternative explanations common in IMF literature, namely the importance of IMF program design and the ability of governments to make credible commitments to reform. Substantively, our findings suggest that investors are more likely to use IMF lending as an escape hatch in countries where FDI is dependent on external capital and has low sunk costs.  相似文献   

20.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(5):723-747
Although inward foreign direct investment (FDI) has many benefits for a country as a whole, like trade, it is a source of competition for producers in the host country, with concomitant effects on labor markets. The entrance of foreign multinationals increases demand for skilled labor at the expense of unskilled labor, and also increases the elasticity of demand for labor because multinationals are able to shift production across borders. This raises the question of whether or not labor has an impact on policy toward inward FDI. I suggest that organized labor is a key determinant of the influence of labor on inward FDI restrictions. Not only do unions mitigate the collective action problem facing labor, but unionized workers, regardless of skill level, have incentives to support restrictions on inward FDI because rising elasticity of demand restricts bargaining power. I expect that higher levels of unionization will lead to greater restrictions on inward FDI. I find support for this hypothesis in an analysis of U.S. industry-level formal restrictions on inward FDI between 1981 and 2000. Industry skill intensity, a proxy for the distributional consequences of FDI for labor, does not explain variation in barriers to inward FDI, suggesting that the confluence of interests and influence is necessary for labor to influence policy.  相似文献   

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