巴西政党和政党制度剖析

政党是现代政治生活中不可或缺的角色和原则,政党政治则是现代政治生活的要素和主要组织方式。政党和政党政治研究的概念和分析工具主要来自相对成熟的、在欧美发达国家经验基础上产生的政治理论,但关于“第三次浪潮”民主国家的研究更为关注这一理论所忽视的许多现象,其中最为重要的是后发国家政党政治的制度化水平。运用上述理论分析巴西的政党政治状况,可以清晰地认识巴西政党与政党制度许多突出的内容、特点和风格。但经典和新兴理论都不可能穷尽“第三次浪潮”民主国家政治发展进程及其理论总结,巴西政党与政党制度的实际状况尚有一些重要问题有待进一步探讨,本文试图为这一研究提供一种思路和视角。     

当代俄罗斯政党政治价值的区分（1999-2003）

政党政治价值是关于政党的组织原则和社会政治现实建设的基本概念，政党以其政治价值标准指导其政治活动的方向。本文拟从政党政治价值区分的角度以俄罗斯1999年和2003年国家杜马选举为例对当代俄罗斯政党的发展进行初步探讨。直到2003年，俄罗斯各政党政治价值区分仍不明显，俄罗斯政党制度仍在发展的过程中。     

论政党在智利政治转型中的作用和特点

学界普遍认为,由于政权精英与温和反对派精英之间达成协议,拉丁美洲国家有可能出现由军人政权向文人政权和民主政体平稳过渡的形态。20世纪80年代以来智利的政治转型即属于此类型。在智利的政治发展和政治转型中,政党作为重要参与者和"中坚力量",在呈高度分裂状态的社会中发挥着中介作用。智利政党在政治转型中表现出几种特征:转型早期政党对社会运动的抑制,政党由极化走向温和与融合,政党联盟由变动性走向制度化和稳定性。政党政治的发展是一国政治发展的表征,政党政治的制度化体现为国家政治的稳定,也是国家长治久安的保证。目前智利民众对政党的支持率呈下降趋势,年轻人普遍对政治持冷漠态度。政党要提升自身的合法地位、赢得选民信任,需要致力于解决不平等和贫困问题。当代智利政党及其政治精英在长期的政治实践中达成了一定的和解与共识,并具有一定的社会基础,从而为解决智利的社会经济政治问题创造了现实条件。     

"统一俄罗斯"政党政治价值演化初探(1999～2008)

政党政治价值是关于政党的组织原则和社会政治现实建设的基本概念,政党以其政治价值标准指导其政治活动。本文以1999年、2003年和2007年俄罗斯国家杜马选举过程中"统一俄罗斯"党的竞选纲领为基础,对这一时间段该党的政党政治价值的演化进行初步探讨。2003年前,"统一俄罗斯"党的政治价值还不存在制度化的政治价值,而2007年该党的"普京计划"则标志着其政党制度化政治价值的形成。"普京计划"在2020年之前作为"统一俄罗斯"党的政党政治价值导向不会有原则上的改变。     

“统一俄罗斯”政党政治价值演化初探（1999～2008）

政党政治价值是关于政党的组织原则和社会政治现实建设的基本概念，政党以其政治价值标准指导其政治活动。本文以1999年、2003年和2007年俄罗斯国家杜马选举过程中“统一俄罗斯”党的竞选纲领为基础，对这一时间段该党的政党政治价值的演化进行初步探讨。2003年前，“统一俄罗斯”党的政治价值还不存在制度化的政治价值，而2007年该党的“普京计划”则标志着其政党制度化政治价值的形成。“普京计划”在2020年之前作为“统一俄罗斯”党的政党政治价值导向不会有原则上的改变。     

阿根廷政党治理危机及其原因探析

1983年结束独裁统治后的阿根廷重新走上了民主政治的道路,政党再度成为阿根廷政治生活的主体。但民主宪政的回归并没有相应地促成政党政治的制度化,先后上台执政的激进党和正义党均不同程度地陷入治理危机的泥潭。究其根源,一个重要的原因是阿根廷两大传统政党内部的治理缺陷(如政党的运动主义倾向、独立性差、缺乏党内共识、支持基础薄弱、联邦制度带来的不利影响,等等)。内部治理的失败使阿根廷政党没有真正发挥政府和社会之间的媒介作用,丧失了政党的基本职能——表达民众的利益,其结果迫使民众常常诉诸于体制外的社会动员或街头抗议等形式来表达自身的利益要求,造成社会政治动荡频发。     

尼日利亚政党政治的发展

由于自身发展阶段滞后和部族、宗教及地区矛盾尖锐 ,尼日利亚民主基础脆弱 ,政党政治先天不足 ,独立后未能有效承担民族国家建设的使命 ,无法应对军人发难。然而 ,由于政党政治代表着尼现代政治的发展方向 ,长期的军政权统治并未完全打断政党内在演变的脉络 ,尼日利亚当今主要政党均有各自的历史传承。进入第三共和国后 ,政党政治呈现出三党并立、一党坐大和一切围绕选举等特点 ,既是本身发展历程的结果 ,也反映出非洲国家政治发展的共性。今后 ,尼日利亚重回军政权统治的可能性小 ,政党政治会在现有框架下 ,在经济基础与上层建筑的矛盾中颠簸前行 ,并在这一过程中完成民族国家建设和政治、经济解放的使命。     

俄罗斯多党政治发展的三个阶段

俄罗斯的多党政治从 1 990年 3月开始实行 ,至今经历了三个阶段。其起步阶段的特点是 :各派政党纷纷创建 ,分化组合异常频繁 ,政党政治尚未步入正轨 ,违法和违规现象十分严重。 1 993年宪法通过后 ,进入形成和运行阶段 ,其特点是 :各派政党的活动逐步走上宪法轨道 ,多党政治基本形成并开始运行 ,但政党格局变化较大 ,政党地位并不算高 ,政党政治尚不成熟。普京主政后 ,着手进行政党改革 ,俄多党政治进入整顿和提高阶段。在讨论、通过和颁布《政党法》的过程中 ,中派组织实行大联合 ,右派组织升格为政党 ,左派内部则矛盾加深 ,俄共出现分裂危险。     

政党政治与政治稳定——乌克兰案例研究

原苏联东欧国家的历史经验表明,在由传统社会迈向现代社会转型的进程中,都存在着大量的影响社会政治稳定的矛盾与问题。本文选取转轨国家中的乌克兰为案例,通过对政党政治涉及的三种主要关系来研究政治稳定。指出政党制度设计需要考虑到转轨前的政治社会和文化条件;缓慢发展的政党体系制约了政治稳定的实现;极化的政治文化限制了政治稳定的达成。     

21世纪以来欧美政党政治功能集体弱化趋势

进入21世纪以来,随着政党政治去意识形态化的趋势、新媒体在选举政治中的广泛应用、利益集团强大的游说压力、网络化社会的影响、改革发展稳定复杂关系的交织态势、政党体制的惯性掣肘和僵化,欧美政党在“体系-过程-政策”3个层次上传统和固有的政治功能包括政治系统的维持和适应——政治社会化功能、政治沟通和政治募员功能,要求和支持的输入——利益表达和利益积聚功能,政策的生产和输出——政策制定和政策实施功能,①出现集体失灵和弱化现象.尽管欧美政党被迫进行自我调试,但仍无法避免局部失调或政治困境.究其根源,则是欧美国家普遍将民主政治有限界定和狭隘理解为政党竞争性选举政治,从而忽视了民主本意“人民统治”在民主政治全过程的体现.     

Islam and politics in Europe and in Asia: Comparative reflections

This article compares the role of religion, and of Islam in particular, in politics in Europe and in South and South East Asia. It starts out with the policy dilemmas facing France, Europe's most secular country that also has Europe's largest immigrant Muslim community. After long debates nation-wide Muslim organisation is now sponsored by the state in order to strengthen moderate Islam in France. In contrast, explicit Christian parties are in decline in most of Europe. Those who are still electorally successful are Christian mostly in name only and have turned into centre-right conservative people's parties instead. Religious discourse in politics has hence vanished almost entirely in Europe. In difference in Asia Islamic opposition parties have managed to set increasingly the political agenda in the majority Islamic states. In those countries with an Islamic minority their public religious agitation serves to strengthen their ethnic minority identity. Meaningful bi-continental dialogue needs to be aware of this discrepancy in religious politics.     

Federal Calculations in State Level Coalition Governments

When political parties organize, compete and maintain interests at different levels, they bring interconnections both between as well as horizontally across levels. This study suggests that the autonomy of state politics formulation may have to pay greater attention to the federal framework and give more consideration to the role of polity-wide parties. This study uses the autonomy thesis as a heuristic tool and expands the discussion beyond state politics as considered by Yogendra Yadav-Suhas Palshikar. It examines the interface between the rise of the state as the primary unit and the functioning of political parties, especially in a multi-party competitive scenario where parties are forced to enter into coalitions. By situating India and its coalition experiences within a broader literature of comparative politics, the study tries to enrich our understanding about the relationship between federalism, political parties and coalition politics.     

Introduction: Communication and Civic Engagement in Comparative Perspective

The present era is defined by sweeping changes in economies, social institutions, political party systems, and communication processes in many nations. These changes go by various names from globalization to poststructuralism. The impact of these tectonic shifts in the political foundations of nations is greatly debated. In particular, considerable uncertainty surrounds the effects of various changes on the importance of politics for individual citizens and for the kinds of civic activities that people engage in and even regard as political. This is an important time for communication scholars to develop comparative frameworks that bring conceptions of social change together with how people located in various cultural, demographic, and audience groups define their relations to government and, more broadly, to civil society. At stake is our understanding of the role of communication in shaping these political relations, and in shaping the attitudes of citizens about politics, government, and society itself.     

Robbing Peter to pay Paul: changing clientelist patterns in East Timor’s 2017 parliamentary elections

This article examines the adverse impact of clientelist relations between political parties and campaign donors on parties’ relations with voters. Clientelism is generally conceptualized as a vertical, pyramid structure, whereby resources are distributed from politicians to voters at the base through brokers or programmatic politics. As Gherghina and Volintiru¹1 Gherghina and Volintiru, A New Model of Clientelism.View all notescontend, what is often overlooked is that in tandem with this vertical relationship with voters there is a complementary horizontal relationship with party donors. Parties with a weak organizational base focus on relations with party donors, such as private contractors, at the expense of their relationship with voters. Drawing on fieldwork conducted during East Timor’s 2017 parliamentary elections, I engage with Gherghina and Volintiru’s framework to argue that a bi-dimensional approach is integral to both understanding electoral outcomes and economic trajectories in developing country contexts. In East Timor, despite a decade of rampant patronage politics, the incumbent CNRT party’s prioritization of their relationship with party donors cost them the election. In turn, this focus on party donors has distorted policy and public spending priorities, with severe implications for future development.     

中国与东亚互动的政治经济分析

自改革开放以来，中国开始推行融人世界的国际战略。在此期间，中国与东亚地区其他国家之间的互动也渐趋形成，并逐步走向成熟。中国与东亚近邻的互动包含政治、经济、安全等多个层面的内容，且这些方面往往彼此交织在一起。因而，仅仅从单一角度出发对中国与东亚之间的互动进行解析，难免有所偏颇。基于此原因，本文试从政治与经济相互作用的理论视角出发，对中国与东亚互动的缘起、运行等问题进行简要的探讨。     

试析韩国的政治粉丝社团现象

以特定政治人为核心聚合起来的粉丝社团是韩国政党政治的新现象,在近十年的发展中对推动韩国政党政治发展发挥了重要作用。政治粉丝社团中,文化共享型与个人追随型社团政治色彩相对淡薄,而政党支援型、运动支援型等政治倾向型社团有着强烈的政治色彩,发挥着类政党的作用。年轻人的政治心理、政党有意推动、轰动效应、政治偏好、市民社会的发展是政治粉丝社团的成因。在政治生活中,这些社团发挥着宣传工具、党内制衡、代言工具和政治后备军的作用。同时,粉丝社团在发挥着政治"造星"功用的同时,也因过度竞争和论功行赏等试图影响政治的消极面而备受质疑。     

Understanding the Problem of Northeast India

The first wave of feminism in India was closely connected to electoral politics, while the second wave turned away from party politics. This resulted in a growing marginalization of feminist concerns from the public agenda. There is a strong relationship between movement success and electoral engagement. This article reviews the history of feminist interventions in electoral politics and demonstrates that early victories for women depended on their participation in party politics. I argue that the creation of the autonomous women's movement has had a diminishing effect on women's progress in recent years. A number of paths remain available to the women's movement to engage with political parties and political leaders. Staying outside the electoral arena has not served Indian feminism well.     

A Comparative Analysis of Political Parties in Kenya,Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo

This article compares the characteristics and development of the main political parties of Kenya, Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, starting from their independence in the 1960s up to the late 1990s. It offers an exploratory analysis of the differences and similarities that might have led to the, more or less, successful establishment of political parties and democratic regimes in these countries. The parties are compared along four dimensions: colonial heritage, the saliency of ethnicity, political communication between the party elite and the periphery, and their link to civil society. The study shows that the development of national parties at the time of independence was severely hindered by the colonizers. The inherited political structures encouraged the exploitation of both ethnic and regional links and further strengthened patronage networks. But also in more recent years, political leaders have used ethnicity as a strategic tool to strengthen their position in power. The comparative analysis shows that in those countries in which ethnicity was most salient, political parties were less democratic and less favourable for democratization. The analysis also highlights that the country with the least active political communication had the most difficult path towards a multiparty system. Finally, the article suggests that a civil society that is truly independent from the government, and incorporates powerful players in urban areas, is most likely to contribute to the development of a competitive party system.     

东亚与欧美政党在民主化中的作用

本文以政党在民主化过程中的基本作用为起点，在与欧美政党相比较的基础上阐述了东亚工业化国家的政党自20世纪80年代以来在民主化过程中的作用。指出尽管政党变迁的路径各有不同，但全方位型政党及其代表性功能已经成为政党发展的重要趋势，东亚只有发展起具有一定群众性和代表性的全方位型政党才能在民主巩固过程中发挥重要作用。同时，有一个相对自由的宪政环境对于形成既有竞争性又有包容性的政党体制是不可或缺的，这是政治民主化稳定发展的重要前提。     

Party research: Western European bias and the ‘African labyrinth’

For a long time Africa's political parties have been neglected in political science research, although they have mushroomed during the last decade and are being seen as crucial for the democratic development of the continent. Part of the neglect was due to the very specific western European bias of political science party research, while Africanists claimed the uniqueness of the subject. Despite this bias, the article argues that the framework of established party research can be applied to African parties as well – provided that some modifications are considered. These necessary modifications are explained for four ‘fields’, namely the functionalist approach, the cleavage model, the inclusion of informal politics, and finally whether a distinctively ‘African’ or a universal party typology approach should be applied.