Peace,Development and Progress

Theinternationalsituationinthepastyearwascomplicatedandchangeable.TheUnitedStateswagedwaronIraq熏whichshockedtheworld鸦therelationshipamongtheworldpowershadundergonepro鄄foundchanges鸦therehadbeennewdivisionandrealignmentintherelationsacrosstheAtlantic鸦thebuildingof″LargeEurope″hadmaderapidprogress鸦theMiddle-EastsituationhadremainedunstablewithPalestineandIsraelstillgettingstuckinantroubledtimes鸦KoreaPeninsulanuclearissuehaddrawntheworldwideattention鸦UNwasregainingitsvigorafterhavin…     

Trust, Cooperation and Friendship

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Change, Gain and Loss

Five years have passed since the September 11 terrorist attacks occurred. America s counter-terrorism campaign is still on the way. Besides the momentary monumental significance of the fifth anniversa- ry, five years is still too short in regard to the lo…     

Threats,opportunity, and force: Repression and diversion of domestic pressure, 1948–1982

This paper explores empirically how domestic political and economic challenges affect political leaders’ propensity to respond with the use of force at home and abroad. The foreign policy and world politics literatures are replete with references to leaders’ alleged use of external conflict when confronted with domestic challenges, but rarely consider domestic responses to dissent or the role of interstate threats. Comparative research on repression primarily focuses on linkages between domestic challenges and leaders’ resort to repressive policies, but ignores international alternatives. Neither literature considers the influence of external threats and opportunity structures on resort to use of force and coercion at home and abroad. Alternatively, we contend that foreign conflict and repression are complementary and potentially interchangeable policies that leaders may use to maintain political power in the face of domestic pressure. We hypothesize that the level of domestic political constraints conditions the opportunity and likelihood of selecting either repression or foreign conflict in response to domestic challenges. Since the ability to capitalize on external conflict involvement in all likelihood is not independent of international opportunity structures, we explicitly address differences in the availability of historical interstate animosity. We test our hypotheses on resort to repression and external dispute involvement on a global sample of political leaders for the period 1948–82. Our results indicate that repression and external conflict involvement appear to be largely independent and driven by different challenges: While there is some evidence that domestic conflict increases the likelihood of disputes and that external threat may promote repression, there is little support for the idea of direct substitution in kind since leaders frequently combine both dispute involvement and repression.     

Britain,France, and Mesopotamian Oil, 1916–1920

This analysis centres on British and French policies concerning Mesopotamian oil between 1916 and 1920. Both Powers already had some degree of interest in oil matters before the war, but these concerns did not leave a particularly strong imprint on the Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916. During the First World War, both Britain and France became aware of their lack of oil and identified Mesopotamian oil as a key war aim. Both Powers developed close relations with Royal Dutch-Shell to further their oil policies. After the war, the struggle for oil proved inseparable from the territorial settlement in the Middle East and relations with oil companies. All actors did not initially recognise this fact, and it was only during 1919–1920 that an increasing awareness developed that oil and territorial issues were inseparable. Combined with changes in political leadership, it made possible a “silent compromise” at San Remo in April 1920.     

Change and Stability in Eastern Asia: Nationalism,Communism, and British Policy, 1948–1955

British policy in Eastern Asia, 1948–55, aimed to combine the attainment of change leading to stability, to be secured through cooperating with nationalism against the growing threat from communism. After initial errors, ministers and officials revealed realism and flexibility, as shown in policies towards Burma, Malaya, and China. As regards Japan, the United States dominated decisionmaking and British views were rather negative towards the viability of political reform in the longer term and towards economic revival. The collapse of French authority in Indo-China pushed Anthony Eden towards compromise with the communist powers at the Geneva conference in 1954: Britain diverged from the US in supporting a strictly defensive alliance (SEATO), which was linked with an ambivalent approach to the future of Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia.     

APEC, ASEM, SCO and New Security Concept

I. The timely birth of the three major organizations 1. The establishment of APEC in 1989 and its development afterwards well go withthe requirement of the time and people's aspirations. APEC includes almost all the major countries and economies in the region, which have diversified social systems, cultures, values and history backgrounds. Also there are sharp discrepancies either between the geographical sizes of the countries or between economic strength, with their economic performance a…     

The Use of Force—Stability and Instability: India,Pakistan, and China

This article evaluates the source of instability and stability in the India-Pakistan dyad and the Sino-Indian dyad. Challenging the dominant thesis that “means determine ends,” the article posits that the use of force by Pakistan renders the India-Pakistan relationship unstable, whereas the Sino-Indian relationship is significantly more stable because of the absence of force. The difference in the state of stability in both dyads is because the weaker state, Pakistan in its conflict with India has failed to accept the verdict of its military defeats. This failure to internalize irreversible military outcomes makes Pakistan particularly susceptible to employing forcible solutions to settle its dispute with India over Kashmir. The reality reverses in the Sino-Indian territorial dispute, in that India has implicitly accepted its military loss against China in 1962 and charted a diplomatic pathway in resolving the boundary dispute.     

Sterling,Bretton Woods,and Social Democracy, 1968–1970

Following the November 1967 sterling devaluation, the British Labour government of Harold Wilson struggled to defend the new exchange rate of £1?=?$2.40. Sterling's travails continued throughout 1968 and well into 1969 despite growing evidence that the external balance was moving into the black. Its problems arose from external difficulties, notably from the growth of footloose balances of foreign currencies—especially Eurodollars—within the international economy and from instability caused by the decline of the Bretton Woods system. Labour was determined to protect the new exchange rate, since a new devaluation or even a float would have led to a run on the pound, the collapse of its economic strategy, and the failure of its attempt to build a social-democratic order in Britain. It was successful in the end thanks to growing confidence in its policies and to belated international co-operation designed to salvage the Bretton Wood regime.     

Mediation,Domestic Politics,and the Israeli-Syrian Negotiations, 1991–2000

This paper explains one of the central roles of alliance contracts, the prevention of undesirable military entanglement. The existing literature on alliances argues that entrapment is a major concern for potential and actual alliance partners, but it is difficult to point out clear cases of entrapment. I provide two answers to this puzzle: First, entrapment is a narrower concept than others have realized, and it is rarer than the literature suggests. Second, leaders anticipate entrapment and carefully design alliance agreements before and after states form alliances. I examine the second argument through case studies of us alliance agreements with South Korea, Japan, and Spain.     

Current Situation,Features and Prospect of Sino-Russian Strategic and Cooperative Partnership

Itisagreathonorformetoattendtheseminaron″TheProspectofSino－RussianStrategicandCooperativePartnership″，whichisco－sponsoredbyChineseAssociationforInternationalUnder－standingandtheAssociationofRussianSinologists（ARS）．Itremindedmeofthefour－daylongannualmeetingheldbytheARSinMoscowintheautumnof１９９８．Atthemeeting，wealsodiscussedtheissueofSino－RussianStrategicandCooperativePart－nership．However，mostofmyRussianfriendsthenexpressedtheirlackofconfidenceindevelopingSino－Russ…     

Greater Periphery and China, the U. S. and Neighbors

Lu: The world situation tends to be relaxed generally. Big powers often interact, especially in Asia, because China is developing and Asia is developing as well. When we review peripheral and regional situa- tions, we can see it. In China's concept of diplomacy, periphery is put at the foremost position and China's periphery is in a sense the U. S. ' strategic front. Therefore, building a greater peripheral environment, coping well with China's relations with the U. S. and China's Neigh-…     

Alternative financial institutions? Sustainability,development, social reproduction,and gender analysis

This paper proposes a conceptual framework for alternative financial institutions in Nicaragua. The article includes a discussion on innovative services and policies, which differentiate CARUNA (National Savings and Credit Cooperative ?Caja Rural?), and other financial institutions from conventional banks. It further examines theories that have altered the way development practitioners think about the economy, poverty reduction, and the positions of men and women in the society. These theories are the feminist economic theory and alternative development theories. Specific ways to incorporate the concepts of alternative and feminist economic theories in the design of financial institutions include open credit, savings, and remittance mechanisms, and coordinating councils. The gender analysis approach was used to evaluate the design of financial institutions.     

Strategic Interest Orientation of China and Latin America,and Advantages and Disadvantages to Realize It

For China and Latin America, the 21th century is a century inwhich great progress could be achieved. As the economic globalization sweeps its way across the world, interdependency between countries will be enhanced, and relations between China and Latin America tend to be even closer. What's more important, both sides consider its rela- tions with the other one on a strategic level. This serves as a new impe- tus to promote the bilateral relations in the new century. Judging by the present …     

Film and Media Scholarship on Contemporary India: The Assemblage,the Narrative,and “Bollywood”

Reading the work of film scholars Anustup Basu, Amit Rai and Ravi Vasudevan together, this essay discusses contemporary film and media scholarship in India. It highlights the central differences between these works as pivoting on their research methodologies as well as the way each conceptualizes significant terms, namely, identity, ideology, hegemony, and assemblage. The essay shows that this scholarship proceeds along two routes: one eschews the primacy of the narrative and the concept of identity, focusing instead on the “assembling impulse” of the Hindi film, and the second is attentive to the axes that give form and consistency to the loose assemblages that define the Hindi film in India. As such, film scholarship also makes an argument about the shape of the social formation in contemporary India. While one mode assumes the newness of the contemporary period and argues for a looseness to its political assemblages, the other is invested in delineating what is new about the period and in tracing the hegemonic thrust that gives it shape.     

India and the dialectics of domestic and international “land grabbing”: Historical perspectives,current debates,and the case of Ethiopia

International land “acquisition” or land “grabbing” has become a global phenomenon in which India plays an increasingly important role. While there is a critical domestic debate regarding land deals within India — especially pertaining to the provisions of the Land Acquisition Act of 2014 — there is practically no such debate regarding international land deals by Indian companies in Sub-Saharan Africa. By applying a two-level discourse analysis, this article argues that the land discourse within India can be understood as a strategy of exclusion. By linking land issues with questions of “development,” the discursive strategies of powerful actors lead to the exclusion of the arguments of NGOs and others opposed to the land deals from the discourse within India. This strategy of exclusion is then taken to the extreme with the strategy of securitization outside India: land deals are linked to “food security,” as the example of Ethiopia highlights.