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1.
Abstract

This article provides an exploration of the role of the SABC's Afrikaans language programmes in contemporary South African constructions of national identity. It examines the programmes’ engagement with the construction of (a) national identity by addressing the SABC's mandated obligation towards nation building, and exploring how the broadcaster's Afrikaans programmes are positioned in this regard. The article suggests that the SABC's task to ‘narrate the nation’ is complicated not only by the theoretical dilemmas faced by the terms ‘nation’ and ‘nation building’, but also by the broadcaster's historical ties to the apartheid government. This matter is further complicated for the Afrikaans-language programmes on SABC, given the language's binary position as both ‘unifier’ and ‘oppressor’.  相似文献   

2.
Abstract

Surveys such as the European Commission's Eurobarometer regularly reveal high levels of public support for European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP). This paper argues, however, that public support for ESDP is only superficial, not substantial. First, there is no homogeneous ‘European’ public support for ESDP. Second, security and defence, as covered by ESDP with its focus on global crisis-management, rank very low among Europeans’ priorities. Third, Europeans are very sceptical about the appropriateness of military means, and hence a core element of ESDP, as a legitimate instrument in international affairs. These reservations are likely to have constraining effects on ESDP's future development. At the same time, there are compelling reasons for the further development of ESDP. Therefore, Europe's political elites should initiate a public diplomacy campaign inside the EU in which the case for Europe's further evolution as a strategic security and defence actor is made. ESDP operations are the most promising starting points as they illustrate both the normative and the ‘realist’ necessities of European engagement in global security affairs.  相似文献   

3.
ABSTRACT

This article examines the United Kingdom's Anti-terrorism, Crime and Security Act 2001 and the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation Legislation Amendment (Terrorism) Act 2002 (Cth) from an international human rights law perspective. It argues that both pieces of legislation raise serious concerns in relation to international legal obligations under the European Convention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. Both international treaties allow for ‘derogation’ from certain provisions in times of ‘public emergency’. While the United Kingdom has officially derogated from some of its treaty obligations, Australia has yet to submit a similar notification. This article argues, however, that the United Kingdom's derogation is unlawful. Likewise, current circumstances in Australia would not permit lawful derogation from the ICCPR.  相似文献   

4.
Abstract

European Union enlargement has left Russia on the margins of European political processes and led to widespread suspicion in the Moscow foreign policy establishment of European motives. This has resulted in, first, increasing resistance to the imposition of European norms and, second, a more assertive policy, particularly in the EU's and Russia's ‘overlapping neighbourhoods’. Although Moscow is likely to continue the strategy of engagement initiated under Putin, Brussels must radically rethink the nature and extent of Russia's ‘Europeanisation’. Russia's drive for modernisation will coexist with the strengthening of sovereignty and the power of the state, seen by the Putin administration as key to external and internal security. The EU will have to limit its ambition and work within this ‘window’—wider or narrower depending on state of play—of policy possibilities.  相似文献   

5.
ABSTRACT

Methodology, policy and the turn to post-LitCrit, are both strengths and weaknesses in cultural studies. As strengths, they have freed the field from the tyranny of quantitative methods and a deterministic positivism; but they are simultaneously weaknesses, in that cultural studies now exhibits an ambiguous relation to the ‘material’ – to contexts. Texts are disarticulated from contexts in the post-LitCrit ‘tradition’. The consequences of inapplicable appropriations of cultural studies are now seen in regressive applications supposedly couched within the democratising imperative that was once the raison d'etre of the field. This study examines the consequences of the loss of the ‘material’ from certain inflections of cultural studies. Reports of the South African Human Rights Commission into Racism and the Media constitutes my case study. Using the concept of dynamic justice, I propose a return to context based on evaluative criteria rooted in the human condition. Instead of ‘Texts’, or even ‘class consciousness’, I argue that the principal contextual criteria for cultural studies research could be based on the socio-political value ideas of Freedom and Life Chances.

[T]ensions and contradictions abound; sophistry has replaced rigour in many an instance and dilettantism parades as expertise and informed judgement.

John Williams (1999) on intellectuals in the ‘new’

South Africa.

I'm not racist, I only hate whites, not blacks

Ma Maloi, rejecting her daughter-in-law's allegations about her racism against their white neighbours. Going Up, sitcom, Episode 24, South African Broadcasting

Corporation.

Though cultural studies emerged from an impeccable lineage of both theoretical critique and empirical immersion, some post-1990 variants reflect an ambiguous relationship with empirical methodology, factual accuracy and the material. Media studies exhibits an often strained relationship with content analysis and numerical methods (Ruddock 1998). Cultural policy studies tend to forget the dialectic which keeps critique alive in its delicate relationship with state and funding agencies (Tomaselli and Shepperson 1996). Originally concerned with the study of power relations and democratisation, cultural studies has been on occasion over the past decade definitionally reduced merely to a form of ‘writerly expression’ (Willoughby 1991). Conversely, it has been accused of becoming a discourse of pseudo-liberation (McChesney 1996), and, during the struggle against apartheid, of being the vanguard of new fascisms (Edgecomb 1984). For some, cultural studies is the central disorganising principal in journalism education (Windschuttle 1998). The relationship between cultural studies, which emphasises the ‘popular’, and the propositions of human rights movements, is also unclear.  相似文献   

6.
This study focuses on Akutagawa Ryūnosuke's Shina yūki (Travels in China): an account of a four-month journey through eastern, central, and northern China in the spring and summer of 1921. Due to Akutagawa's reputation as a writer and the account's vantage point on a transitional period in Japan's expansion abroad, Travels in China has traditionally enjoyed a prominent place in the canon of twentieth-century Japanese travel writing. What has received less attention, however, is the relation of the work to the rest of Akutagawa's literary corpus. In this paper, I situate Travels in China within the larger context of Akutagawa's ongoing interest in Chinese fiction and drama. Rather than reading Travels in China as a work of journalism, as Akutagawa initially invited his readers to do, I argue that the work is an extended exploration not only of the relationship between ‘New China’ and Akutagawa's beloved traditional Chinese culture, but also of the boundaries separating journalism, fiction, and other literary genres. Ultimately, I connect Travels in China to Akutagawa's later work: texts that similarly interrogate and deconstruct the distinctions between genres and modes of narrating experience.  相似文献   

7.
8.
ABSTRACT

One of the greatest changes organisations in South Africa experienced through the country's democratisation is the introduction of ‘legitimate’ activism in organisational settings. Organisational communication literature – specifically as manifest in the excellence theory – compounded this through views on the potentially positive impact activism could have on organisations by ‘pushing’ them beyond equilibrium to a state of dynamic equilibrium – mediated through strategic and effectual communication. This view, however, is somewhat fouled by occurrences such as those at Marikana, and concomitant strikes in the country's platinum industry, which have held the economy ‘captive’ in various ways. Organisations – especially the mining industry – need to ask ‘How much activism is too much activism?’ and organisational communication practitioners need to introspectively consider whether this theoretical contribution should not perhaps have come with greater guidance in terms of the chary (if not restrained) implementation of this potentially positive, yet almost insidiously dangerous, communicative feature. this article aims to explore activism in the mining industry of South Africa, specifically from the vantage points of industry heads, as it concerns the changed communicative landscape in this industry post-marikana. to this end, the article will report on seven qualitative, semi- structured interviews – along with existing literature on the topic – as it offers up six considerations in applying the aspect of excellence and ‘positive activism’ within organisations in South Africa's mining industry.  相似文献   

9.
This article investigates the notion of ‘lateralisms’ and how various modes of engagement (namely bilateralism, regionalism and multilateralism) relate to one another. It begins with a careful analysis of the evolution of ‘lateralisms’ and their (in)compatibility at the global level, building on the existing literature from multiple research disciplines. The second part of this article focuses specifically on the European Union's (EU's) foreign policy approach. The author puts forward two main hypotheses. First, the EU has performed a rebalancing act between bilateralism and regionalism/multilateralism over the last decade in favour of the former, notably through the deepening of its so-called ‘strategic partnerships’. Second, this enhanced bilateralism is not necessarily compatible with other ‘lateralisms’, as it can at times undermine regional integration processes or the building of an effective multilateral order. The author eventually formulates some recommendations to ensure that bilateral partnerships are geared towards the strengthening of the multilateral fabric which remains the EU's fundamental and long-term objective.  相似文献   

10.
G Z Langa  D P Conradie 《Communicatio》2013,39(1-2):280-296
Abstract

The research described in this article can be described as an explorative study that focused on obtaining and analysing perceptions and attitudes of public sector officials in Pretoria regarding the possible introduction of teleworking in their working environment. The term teleworking was understood in the sense of using computers to work from home or working at a distance away from the office. The research question that was posed was: What perceptions and attitudes exist among public sector officials in Pretoria that could contribute to, or impede, the acceptance of teleworking in South African government departments? Specific attention was given to perceptions of possible benefits or other impacts of teleworking, indications of public sector officials' ability to use computers for teleworking purposes, attitudes toward computers and teleworking, and the behavioural intention to use teleworking in future. The questionnaire and results were structured along the lines of the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) of Davis. It was found that there was firm support among the officials for public sector teleworking – especially in terms of those views and perceptions that served as indicators for relevant TAM constructs such as ‘perceived ease of use regarding teleworking’, ‘perceived usefulness of teleworking’, ‘attitude toward teleworking’ and ‘intention to use teleworking’.  相似文献   

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