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1.
Nuclear weapons look set to stay with us, fulfilling as they do a different role from that of conventional weapons, in terms of their deadly potential for massive destruction. Indeed, nuclear weapons served as a stabilizing force during the hostile Cold War period. Sine the end of the Cold War, our world has undergone huge changes. Relative peace continues to be maintained on the basis of the logic of a "balance of terror", but the nuclear cloud hanging over human beings has never quite left us. Both the U.S. and Russia retain large nuclear arsenals, and a significant number of state and non-state actors on the stage of world politics continue to show interest in this lethal weapon. So-called "nuclear crises" flare up and test the wodd's nerves every now and again, and with some major nuclear powers continuing to make adjustments to their nuclear policies, the world nuclear proliferation position appears to be undergoing significant and profound change and transformation. In this article the author intends to help readers to become acquainted with the nuclear status quo as well as the characteristics of post-Cold War nuclear proliferation. The author also aims to help readers to understand the causes of the post-Cold War nuclear proliferation.  相似文献   

2.
A nuclear weapons-free world(NWFW) has been advocated and welcomed recently.However,the realization of a NWFW is quite difficult.The author believes that it is more realistic to build a nuclear weapons-free zone(NWFZ) than it is to build a NWFW,at least in the short term.She analyses the significance of NWFZs and issues confronting the existing zones and pointed out how to create more NWFZs.  相似文献   

3.
The reform of the United Nations is closely related with the transformation of the International system. The United Nations has made great success since it started a comprehensive reform in 2005. Such a reform is necessary both for the transition of the largest international organization in the world and transformation of the international system. The United Nations still has a long way to go in the comprehensive reform because of many factors.  相似文献   

4.
The current international financial crisis is posing a grave threat to the security of the world, and has brought about deep-going and complicated changes to the area of international nuclear non- proliferation. Generally speaking, the existing international nuclear non-proliferation mechanism is still functioning, nonetheless, it is also facing severe challenges and the situation is worrying.  相似文献   

5.
The period from mid-2007 to the end of 2008 is the peak time for the change of power in world major countries. Starting from the enthronement of French President Sarkozy and to the election of a new president for the United States this year, the one and a half years' time will witness the change of leaders in four of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council. A new generation of world leaders have come on stage and a fresh chapter of international politics has been opened.  相似文献   

6.
The international community has been growing more concemed about the safety of nuclear power as the sector has expanded rapidly.Worries about nuclear terrorism have also surfaced.Current international nuclear safety mechanisms still has some shortcomings because they cannot effectively prevent nuclear proliferation or nuclear accidents.The world is now considering how to build an effective and comprehensive international nuclear safety mechanism.  相似文献   

7.
The European Union (EU) is widely regarded as an important international actor, and usually referred to as a big power like the U. S. , Russia, China and Japan. So naturally the foreign policy of the EU has caught attention of both officials and scholars over the world. However, the EU is also a combination of sovereign states, its foreign policy is different from others, and perhaps this is often ignored. For instance, unlike a single nation state, the EU's influence and power are different in various policy fields due to its different ways of decision-making and implementation. Also, different from the common currency, the forming of the common foreign policy of the EU doesn't mean the disappearance of respective member state's foreign policy. Only seeing or emphasizing one respect will lead to a misunderstanding of the EU. Moreover, as a unique "supranational and intergovernmental" organization in the world, the EU has too many complex institutions, names and terms. Of course, the situation is not better in the field of foreign policy, and it easily leads to confusion and misunderstanding. It is also necessary to point out that the EU is still in the process of evolvement, and in particular, as one of the major reforms of the EU in recent years, the foreign policy-making mechanism has been in the center of change and adjustment. It is no doubt that this adds to the difficulties of studying and understanding the EU's foreign policy. In a word, the author thinks it is necessary to raise some major issues related to the EU's foreign policy and delve into it in connecting with the EU's current development.  相似文献   

8.
Irreparable consequences to Middle East geopolitics ensued as the political systems in the Islamic world declined in a process that began under the persistent infiltration and influence of the Western ideal of nation-state.Three progressive stages in this conceptual transformation show how longstanding multinational imperial systems in the Islamic world disintegrated after the introduction of uone nation,one staten forced upon Middle East states an unrealistic model and eroded the principle of supremacy of sovereignty that had just been established.Interventionist theories that took hold meant that the Islamic world's self-transformation has never caught up with the demand of Western strategies.The Islamic realm has failed to achieve what it set out to do because political systems that would have been adaptive to the reality of the Islamic world had collapsed.  相似文献   

9.
Along with the fast growth of world economy, industrialization in particular, global issues such as climate change have become common concerns of the international community. Climate diplomacy is also gradually becoming a hot topic on the international agenda. Climate change is a common challenge to the world and every country bears the responsibility to address this issue. China is highly concerned about climate change and hopes to work with EU and the rest of the world to meet this challenge.  相似文献   

10.
Diversity is the basic feature of the world, which is not contradictory to the democratization of international relations and the efforts of the people of various countries in building a harmonious world. In recent years, on the premises of respecting and maintaining diversity of the world, and by conforming to the historical trend of the times, China has  相似文献   

11.
Programs of international civil nuclear cooperation—of “Atoms for Peace”—have come under growing criticism for unintentionally fostering nuclear weapons proliferation in developing countries. However, drawing on the literature on international technology transfer and on Albert Hirschman's theory of exit, voice, and loyalty, this article argues that Atoms for Peace efforts may often seriously hamper developing countries’ nuclear weapons ambitions by empowering their scientific workers and by facilitating the brain drain to the developed world. The article then presents a case study of the historical nuclear program of Yugoslavia, which received very generous help from the Atoms for Peace programs of the United States, Soviet Union, and European states at a time when nonproliferation controls were minimal. The international ties of the Yugoslav nuclear program made its scientific workers much less likely to choose simple loyalty to the Tito regime, and much more likely to choose voice or exit, accelerating the program's ultimate collapse.  相似文献   

12.
Abstract

Is the world better off with nuclear weapons or without? Nuclear pessimists point to the potentially devastating costs of a nuclear war. Nuclear optimists argue that nuclear weapons reduce the likelihood of war and are thus beneficial. This debate is inconclusive in part because it misses an important conceptual point. We should care both about the cost of war and the likelihood of war, as they combine to form the expected cost of war, which is the product of the two. I discuss five implications of focusing on expected costs. Three support the pessimists: (1) nuclear weapons raise the upper limit on how destructive wars can be; (2) there may be a floor on how low the likelihood of war can go; and (3) risk aversion over damage will raise the expected cost of nuclear war. The remaining two support the optimists: (4) strategic models exhibit a declining expected cost of war; and (5) casualty data show that the expected cost of war is declining over its observed range in the past two hundred years.  相似文献   

13.
Elbridge 《Orbis》2008,52(3):424-433
A rising and influential tide of opinion is pressing for the United States to take major steps towards actually realizing “a world without nuclear weapons,” including by taking steps towards dismantling its nuclear arsenal. This article argues that a world without nuclear weapons, and particularly American nuclear weapons, is not desirable nor is real and effective nuclear disarmament possible. Therefore, while non-proliferation is an important objective, the United States should not abandon or move substantially towards the abandonment of its arsenal in pursuit of nuclear abolition. Instead, the United States should seek the worthy goal of preventing and retarding the spread of nuclear weapons while maintaining a strong nuclear deterrent, a policy that can be followed by de-linking non-proliferation from disarmament.  相似文献   

14.
This analysis examines NATO’s tactical/non-strategic nuclear weapons in the Cold War both for their perceived deterrent value against the Soviet Union and Warsaw Pact and as potential war fighting weapons. Within this debate lay questions related to extended deterrence, security guarantees, regional or theatre conflict, and escalatory potential. A central tenet that emerged in Europe was that nuclear weapons needed emplacement on the territory of non-nuclear NATO members to make deterrence more tangible. It raised huge questions of consultation. Once the Soviet Union had intercontinental missiles, the credibility of American readiness to use nuclear weapons in defence of its allies came into question. European alternatives and different consultation mechanisms to facilitate nuclear use became central to intra-NATO relations. Actively debated across NATO, they directly concerned above all the United States, Britain, and France—the nuclear weapons states in the NATO area—and West Germany, the potential main battleground in a Warsaw Pact invasion. Although dormant in NATO since the end of the Cold War, these issues will likely see revisiting in both Europe and other regional trouble spots.  相似文献   

15.
In a paper that helped inaugurate the subfield of Environmental Philosophy in 1973, Richard Routley located the seed of Western anthropocentrism in the liberal harm principle. Yet, beginning in the late 1990s, Andrew Linklater began globalising the harm principle with no reference to Routley, or to the enduring debates about the moral status of the non-human world. In this article, I offer a preliminary sketch—no more than that—as to why Routley was right to reject the idea of a harm principle being contained within a non-anthropocentric environmental ethic, and that Linklater, Lorraine Elliott and their contemporary cosmopolitan colleagues—whatever the extent of their human-centredness—have been wrong to ignore him. I do so by intruding the problem of nuclear harm into Linklater’s cosmopolitan account of harm in world politics. Approaching the concept of harm through the prism of the nuclear age is interesting and important, I argue, since it both takes seriously Linklater’s intuition that the cosmopolitan response to the emergence of nuclear harms is evidence of a global harm narrative, and because it serves to ground Linklater’s otherwise abstract theorising in the harm par excellence of world politics.  相似文献   

16.
Nuclear proliferation is not a binary outcome with uniform consequences, but instead spans a continuum of latent capacity to produce nuclear weapons. At various thresholds of technical development, some countries leverage nuclear latency to practice coercive diplomacy. How and when does nuclear technology provide a challenger with the most effective means to extract concessions in world politics? This article claims that compellence with nuclear latency puts a challenger on the horns of a credibility dilemma between demonstrating resolve and signaling restraint, and identifies a sweet spot for reaching an optimal bargain where the proliferation threat is credible while the assurance costs of revealing intent are low. Historical studies of South Korea, Japan, and North Korea validate this Goldilocks principle and find that it consistently reflects the ability to produce fissile material. Contrary to conventional wisdom about proliferation, nuclear technology generates political effects long before a country acquires nuclear weapons.  相似文献   

17.
As the twenty-first century appears to be entering a more intensified globalised nuclear age, nations and academics alike consistently criticise the frameworks and foundational agencies created to ensure non-proliferation, security, and multi-lateral negotiations. Notwithstanding the significant reductions in nuclear arsenals made over the last several decades, thanks to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and the numerous nuclear agencies and watchdogs, it is evident that the risks emanating from nuclear weapons and their associated materials have continually expanded. By ensuring that the global community has protections and safeguards in place to promote international dialogue and nuclear non-proliferation—including the Cooperative Nuclear Threat Reduction Program, International Atomic Energy Agency, Global Threat Reduction Initiative, as well as nuclear free zones and review processes—the nuclear non-proliferation regime can arguably ensure that the devastating threat to humankind is reduced. However, as countries scramble to once again refine and modernise their nuclear stockpiles, the necessity to review, re-shape, and re-think these foundational safeguards is more vital than ever.  相似文献   

18.
Deterrence became an all‐purpose theory and policy solution during the Cold War. The end of the Cold War has caused theorists and policy‐makers to ask whether deterrence is still either practicable or theoretically compelling. The prospect of additional and angry state and non‐state actors armed with nuclear and other weapons of mass destruction (WMD), together with long‐range delivery systems, threatens to shake the foundations of deterrence stability. In this article we consider whether this is so. First, we examine some of the theoretical arguments for a benign world with nuclear proliferation and some reasons to be skeptical about those arguments. Second, we consider the current status of nuclear weapons spread and some of the particular challenges presented to deterrence and arms race stability by nuclear proliferation.  相似文献   

19.
The Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons has served as the normative anchor of global nuclear orders since 1968. Remarkably successful with respect to peaceful uses of nuclear energy and non-proliferation, it has failed to achieve nuclear disarmament. In 2017, geopolitical tensions had intensified in several regions across the world; there were no nuclear arms control negotiations between any of the nuclear-armed states and two of the leaders of countries with nuclear weapons appeared volatile and unpredictable. With fewer warheads but spread amongst more countries, some in conflict-prone regions, nuclear risks and threats have grown, as has the realisation that the world lacks the capacity to cope with the humanitarian consequences of nuclear war. Like-minded states and civil society advocates teamed up to heighten the consciousness of nuclear dangers and convened a United Nations-mandated conference to negotiate a prohibition treaty adopted on 7 July. In the ensuing bifurcated global nuclear order, it has become necessary to reconcile latent tensions between the two nuclear regimes, for example with regard to safeguards standards, institutional linkages, and enforcement agencies.  相似文献   

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