首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 109 毫秒
1.
苏联的本科高校在专业设置和课程安排等方面存在过多、过细、过窄的问题。近年来,俄罗斯本科高校越来越重视培养应用型人才,不断提出新的人才培养目标。根据社会需要、时代特点与国际发展趋势设置专业,突出了新兴的、跨学科的、科技方面的、生活服务方面的以及环境保护方面的专业。我国高校应借鉴俄罗斯经验,在高等教育与经济发展之间建立起一种良性的动态平衡。  相似文献   

2.
国际商务活动日益增多,社会对英语专业人才的需求也发生了变化,特别是随着中国—东盟自由贸易区的建成,为国际商务人才发展提供了广阔的空间,也对我国高校的英语人才培养提出了更高的要求。培养国际化、复合型、高层次的英语人才是时代所需,本文主要探讨在中国—东盟自由贸易区背景下我国高校如何培养具有国际化视野的商务英语人才。  相似文献   

3.
随着中国—东盟博览会的举办和中国—东盟自由贸易区的建立,广西各高校在人才培养方面进入了新的发展和跨越时期,外语人才首当其冲。在东盟语境下,英语专业人才培养计划要进行全新的改革,课程设置需进行调整,这必然影响到人文素质课程的设置和学习,从而影响到学生基本技能和素质的培养。因此,必须从课程设置、教学方法等方面进行相应的调整。  相似文献   

4.
中国—东盟自由贸易区建成对我国人才培养方向、结构甚至培养模式提出了新的要求,加强面向自由贸易区的国际化人才培养成为加快自由贸易区建设、促进自由贸易区发展繁荣的重要内容。本文分析中国—东盟自由贸易区建立建成对我国国际化人才的需求,其后探讨面向东盟的我国国际化人才培养存在的主要问题及原因,在以上分析的基础上提出对策建议。  相似文献   

5.
培养高素质创新型人才是21世纪我国高等教育的主题,其中的重点就是培养大学生的信息素质,为他们获得终身学习能力和创新能力打下坚实的基础.因此,我国高校在开展信息素质教育这个问题上也达成了一个基本的共识:高校的信息素质教育已刻不容缓,而高校图书馆在信息素质教育中的地位日益突出,并发挥着越来越重要的作用.  相似文献   

6.
西伯利亚发展创新型经济有人力资源优势,居民的教育水平较高,但教育体系特别是职业教育还存在一些问题,培养的人才还不能满足创新型经济发展的需要。西伯利亚联邦区正在积极解决该问题,各联邦主体也纷纷采取各种措施改进人才培养体系,提高高等教育水平。  相似文献   

7.
苏联对核武器的作用、核战争是否是政治的继续等问题的认识,经历了辩证发展的过程。对这些问题的认识,直接影响了苏联核政策的制定。苏联的核政策与美国的核政策具有很大的关联性,表现出几个明显的阶段性特征。苏联最初坚持美国应率先进行核裁军。美国的核垄断被打破后,苏联在努力发展核武器的同时,开始与美国合作致力于限制他国发展核武器;随着对美核均势的形成,在限制他国发展核武器的同时,苏联开始实施与美国进行相互限制的核政策;冷战末期,由于自身实力的衰落,苏联努力争取与美国共同削减核武器。苏联核政策的主要结果,是使国际核不扩散机制随着苏联核政策的变化而不断演变。历史表明,反对霸权主义,以"互信、互利、平等、协作"这一新安全观为指导处理与他国关系,才是各国防核扩散的理想途径。  相似文献   

8.
21世纪高校科技俄语翻译人才培养模式研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
翻译人才培养的最终目的是为国家间的经济和科技往来服务。21世纪中俄科技交流迅速发展的新形势要求科技翻译人才的媒介支持。当前,国内高校俄语专业重点发展语言文学且忽视科技俄语人才培养的模式,一定程度上造成了科技俄语翻译人才的缺失。高校科技俄语人才培养应注重社会的需求方向和产、学、研的结合。  相似文献   

9.
苏联解体后,俄罗斯远东地区人口不断减少,人口负增长和人口外流导致该地区劳动力资源短缺.来自独联体和东北亚国家的移民成为远东地区重要的劳动力补充,但高技术人才数量不足.俄政府应采取措施发展经济、改善社会服务条件、鼓励生育、制定合理的移民政策,以保障国家安全利益与经济利益均衡发展.  相似文献   

10.
葛兵 《东南亚纵横》2009,(12):71-74
中国-东盟自由贸易区的建立,迫切需要培养大批既懂多国语言又熟悉专业知识的“双语”型高级专门人才。因此,加强双语教学,学习借鉴东南亚等国家的人才培养经验,创新人才培养模式,是广西高校未来人才培养改革需要研究解决的主要问题。  相似文献   

11.
苏联解体后其庞大的核武库也一分为四,在核武器系统、核材料、核科学家及核技术等三个层次都出现了失控的核扩散危机。以美国为首的国际社会从各个方面给予了大力援助,使前苏联庞大的"核遗产"得到了妥善的处理。因苏联解体而一度出现的核国家增多的问题得以解决,核扩散危机也基本得到消除。这不仅有效地捍卫了国际核不扩散体制,而且在实践上也是对国际核不扩散机制的补充和发展,对人类社会的和平与安全也是重大的贡献。当朝鲜和伊朗核问题屡成危机而长期困扰国际社会时,我们重温这段历史,也具有深刻的现实意义。  相似文献   

12.
ABSTRACT

The international security community is increasingly concerned about the nexus between indiscriminate terrorism and the proliferation of nuclear technology and materials. Many nuclear terrorism threat assessments focus primarily on terrorist motivations to employ an atomic bomb, the availability of nuclear know-how and technology, and the opportunity for clandestine organisations to acquire fissile material. Scholars and experts, however, often neglect to elaborate on the challenges for terrorist organisations in organising and implementing the construction and detonation of a crude atomic bomb. This will most likely be a complex project. This article will therefore explore the organisation of such an endeavour. To be precise, we will highlight the impact of the organisational design of the terrorist group. The organisational design determines the division of tasks and how coordination is achieved among these tasks. It therefore has a strong impact on the functioning of any organisation, especially an innovative and complex terrorism project. Building on a case study of Los Alamos, we inductively infer that terrorist organisations face an inherent effectiveness-efficiency trade-off in designing a nuclear armament project.  相似文献   

13.
In 1957, representatives from the United States Atomic Energy Commission, the University of California Radiation Laboratory at Livermore, and other centres involved in nuclear research established Project Plowshare, a programme to apply the atom to what they called “peaceful nuclear explosions.” Although those involved in Plowshare proposed a variety of projects, they devoted most of their resources to the construction of a sea-level isthmian canal that would replace the existing Panama Canal. Turning that proposal into reality, however, ran into numerous roadblocks, amongst them the 1968 Treaty on the Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons. By 1970, the canal project had collapsed, and not long thereafter, Plowshare itself came to an end. But one desire of Plowshare scientists, that of creating “clean” nuclear explosives, may be in the offing. If developed, such devices could pose a threat to the existing non-proliferation regime.  相似文献   

14.
冷战时期苏联建造的核潜艇到20世纪90年代大部分已经达到或超过服役期,处理数以百计的退役核潜艇对俄罗斯而言是一项艰巨的任务。争取国际社会的支持,开展国际合作是俄解决该问题的必要条件。美国和日本在该问题上的对俄合作表现比较突出,对俄援助活动异同相伴,虽有变化但合作仍为主要趋势。  相似文献   

15.
Robin Frost 《Global Society》2004,18(4):397-422
This paper discusses, with an emphasis on the technical issues involved, some of the possible forms that nuclear terrorism might take, loosely referring to all forms of terrorism involving radioactive materials, such as crude nuclear weapons, radiological dispersal devices, and attacks on the nuclear infrastructure, including nuclear reactors. The first two forms of terrorism necessarily depend on terrorists' obtaining suitable materials, so the problem of nuclear smuggling, especially from the former Soviet Union (FSU), with its huge and decrepit nuclear complex, is addressed, as is the region's reservoir of unemployed or underemployed nuclear expertise. The West, however, is not ignored. As one observer remarked, Osama bin Laden might soon have more luck shopping for nuclear materials there than in the FSU. The paper concludes that although it is most unlikely that terrorists will detonate a true nuclear weapon, the other forms are real and pressing threats.  相似文献   

16.
陈洁莲 《东南亚纵横》2009,(10):107-110
社区主导型发展作为一种新的农村发展模式,已被诸多国际机构和组织如世界银行(以下简称世行)、国际劳工组织(ILO)、世界卫生组织(wHO)、联合国开发计划署(UNDP)和西亚经济社会委员会(ESCWA)等作为农村发展的主要工具所采用。社区主导型发展是指在社区的发展过程中,社区能够支配和利用影响他们生存与发展的资源,并享有控制和决定这些资源利用方式和管理方式的决策权。这意味着社区在有关政府部门和非政府组织的支持和帮助下,对发展项目的提议、规划、实施、管理、  相似文献   

17.
核潜艇合作是美英澳三边安全伙伴关系(AUKUS)的核心内容。关于这一核潜艇合作项目是否有悖国际核不扩散规范体系,国际社会存在尖锐的争论。既有研究主要探讨三边安全伙伴关系核潜艇合作与国际核不扩散规范的合规问题,但忽视了其对正在成长中的国际规范的冲击。从规范演化的角度看,违反规范的国家影响力越大,对既有规范的打击越沉重,规范退化的可能性越大。规范的正式程度越低,规范越脆弱,受到冲击后规范退化甚至衰亡的可能性也越大。美英澳核潜艇合作最主要的影响在于,三国利用其独特的影响力破坏了成长中的核不扩散规范。长期以来,由于已有的核潜艇合作活动都没有利用国际核不扩散规范体系中的军用核动力装置漏洞,使得规避利用该漏洞已经成为一个惯例或成长中的规范。然而,由于美英澳的核潜艇合作涉及大量武器级高浓缩铀的转让,且高调引用了军用核动力装置漏洞,这将对军用核动力装置转让、军民两用物项管制和核“突破时间”这三项成长中的核不扩散规范产生严重冲击。  相似文献   

18.
朝核问题与东北亚安全合作框架前景   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
朝核问题已呈现长期化趋势 ,为在建立东北亚安全合作新框架方面抢得先机 ,美、日、韩等国相应做出政策调整。美国加大了“谈”、“压”的力度 ,但尚未将朝鲜作为战略打击的主要对象。日本对朝政策向右摇摆 ,并寻求在建立东北亚多边安全框架方面发挥独自影响。韩国努力增加美韩联盟的平等色彩 ,谋求在解决朝核问题中发挥主导性作用。抓住朝核问题 ,推动建立东北亚“多极”主导多边安全合作机制 ,中国可以大有作为  相似文献   

19.
This article examines NATO's first strategic project, the Medium Term Defence Plan (MTDP) of 1950, and the plan that led to the 1952 Lisbon Force Goals, a landmark in the evolution of NATO's strategic thinking because the failure to reach the Lisbon goals allegedly drove NATO into its subsequent dependence on nuclear weapons from which it has never been weaned. The article disputes this interpretation by showing that the MTDP was conditioned by the desire of the United States to maintain its autonomy over the use of atomic weapons, and its freedom from the constraints of the new alliance. The MTDP was a paradox: a conventional strategy designed to mask the rules governing the balance of decision-making power within NATO which maintained American peripheralism against the integrative pressures of the alliance. Lisbon was actually part of a deepening nuclear commitment on the part of the United States, sustained by the willingness of the Europeans to endorse the rearmament plan in exchange for promises of further economic assistance.  相似文献   

20.
Why do great powers take such different approaches to the issue of nuclear proliferation? Why do states oppose nuclear proliferation more vigorously in some cases than in others? In short, what explains great power nonproliferation policy? To answer these questions, this article tests two competing theories of nonproliferation policy. The first, political relationship theory, suggests that states oppose nuclear proliferation to their enemies but are less concerned when friends acquire nuclear weapons. The second, power-projection theory, argues that states oppose the spread of nuclear weapons to states over which they have the ability to project military power because nuclear proliferation in those situations would constrain their military freedom of action. In contrast, states will be less likely to resist, and more likely to promote, nuclear proliferation to states against which they cannot use force. To test these hypotheses, this article uses evidence from great power nonproliferation policy from 1945 to 2000. While both theories find some support, the power-projection theory performs significantly better. The findings of this article have important implications for international relations theory and US nonproliferation policy.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号