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1.
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2017,(2):107-129
The year of 2016 witnessed the balance of internal and external situations,calm and steady actions and proper planning in major power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics.Those were reflected in the success of the G20 summit,the vigorous promotion of the One Belt,One Road (B&R) Initiative and the active promotion of international cooperation on development,which acquired positive response and general agreement from the international community and made special contributions to building a more just and reasonable international order.Those were also reflected in the active management of major power relations and sound responses to the changing situation in the surrounding area to create good external environment for domestic development.In addition,further expansion and defending of overseas interests set higher standards for Chinese diplomacy.Having been pushed by the era to the forefront,China is performing its responsibility as a major power in a peculiar way and will certainly make greater contributions to world peace and development. 相似文献
2.
中国现代国际关系研究院世界政治所课题组王鸿刚 《现代国际关系》2017,(1):1-7
2016年是冷战结束25周年与"9·11事件"15周年,国际关系的持续调整并未使世界变得更加稳定有序。相反,由2008年全球金融危机触发的国际秩序重塑日趋深化,各种乱象层出不穷。社会政治领域,美大选"特朗普现象"与英脱欧公投等深刻折射传统政治体制与精英的权威严重削弱。大国关系与国际安全领域,西方与新兴大国消长竞合,美俄、中美战略博弈尤为激烈,全球及地区安全风险明显上升。全球治理领域,以联合国为核心的全球多边治理调整艰难推进,各方博弈日益触及核心问题,深化全球治理的紧迫性与难度同步增大。 相似文献
3.
The “SIRPA Think Tank” Compilation Group 《国际安全研究》2016,2(1):125-146
Under the guidance of the overall concept of national security, China is inneed of a national security strategy centered on “effective security,” which is targetedat enhanced, relative, open, sustainable, multi-dimensional, developmental, common,coordinated, and moderate security. The strategic guiding principles are set forthfor the sustainable development and effectiveness of China’s national security, thatis, 1) combination of security with joint development; 2) integration of reactive andproactive approaches; 3) elimination of both direct and root causes; 4) enhancementof cooperation and defensive capacities; and 5) balance of domestic and internationalsecurity. It is also desirable that China should reduce its reactive mindset,reinforce a proactive mindset and enhance its capacity in shaping and creating afavorable security environment. Effective security requires a centralized, efficient,professional and law-binding national security mechanism. The external layoutshould abide by the principle of “multi-dimensional and orderly implementation,balance of domestic and international security, and compatibility with capability.”This article expounds on the status quo of China’s national security strategy inthe ten functional areas of security, political, military, economy, social, public,internet, religious, energy, environment and overseas security. After identifying thematerialization of effective security and assessing the existing problems, it makessome suggestions about corresponding policies and strategic initiatives. Chinashould also learn from the lessons of the United States and the Soviet Union whosemisguided and excessive security concerns in the post-9/11 era and the late phase of the Cold War era respectively resulted in depletion of national strength, scatteredresources, incompatible capacities and eventually the unsustainability of nationalsecurity. Therefore, China should attach great importance to the co-prosperity andcomplementarity of security and development, take a path of sustainable developmentof national security with Chinese characteristics, and make its due contributions toworld peace and development of the entire human race. 相似文献
4.
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2017,(3):89-112
Security relations are crucial in China-Japan relations.Since the "nationalization" of the Diaoyu Islands by Japan in 2012,mutual trust between China and Japan has been declining,and bilateral security relations have reached a low point.China-Japan security relations are typified by ongoing dispute over the Diaoyu Islands,lack of mutual trust exacerbated by various actions by Japan,and the delay of China-Japan security dialogues.The evolution of China-Japan security relations derived from the Diaoyu Islands dispute is clearly beyond the scope of the dispute itself,with deep-rooted internal and external factors.In the near future,China-Japan security relations will face more challenges than opportunities.China should take measures,including enhancing mutual trust in politics and security between the two countries,to impose necessary pressure on Japan to change course,to win over neighboring countries so as to avoid pretext for Japan's intervention in regional issues,and to strengthen interpersonal communication and understanding between people of the two countries in order to stabilize security relations. 相似文献
5.
在多次公共卫生危机的冲击下,中国不断提升公共卫生系统的应对能力,并加快融入全球卫生治理体系。随着"健康丝绸之路"倡议提出和推进,其效应不断外溢并对国际双边和多边卫生治理合作产生深刻影响,有力促进了区域和全球卫生治理理念的创新和公共产品的提供。当前新冠疫情的全球流行既凸显了共建"健康丝路"的重大战略意义和价值,同时也对"健康丝路"的行稳致远提出了新的任务和挑战。为推动"健康丝路"的不断深化和发展,未来中国应以构建生物安全体系、完善国际多边治理架构和提升"健康丝路"机制化水平为建设路径,不断夯实"健康丝路"的基础和推动全球卫生治理体系的变革。 相似文献
6.
Avery Goldstein 《国际安全研究》2016,2(1):45-66
This article examines changes in China’s security perceptions since 1949and sketches the evolution of China’s grand strategy. In tracing the evolution ofChina’s security perceptions and grand strategy since 1949, it identifies elements ofchange as well as continuity. The changes reflect dramatic developments in the PRC’scapabilities and the international circumstances it faces, both of which have shapedthe grand strategic choices of China’s leaders. During most of the Cold War decades,a relatively weak China’s vulnerability to serious military threats from much morepowerful adversaries led the CCP to adopt grand strategies focused on coping with aclearly defined external security challenge. After the Cold War and especially in the21st century, an increasingly complex array of internal and external security concernsconfronts China’s leaders with new challenges. The paper concludes with a discussionof the significance of the recently established National Security Commission and offersbrief observations about its potential significance for the CCP’s leadership in their fightagainst the new domestic and international security challenges it faces. The novelty ofChina’s security challenges at home and abroad in the 21st century is a consequenceof the end of the Cold War international order and perhaps more importantly, aconsequence of China’s successful modernization since 1979. 相似文献
7.
新冠疫情的全球流行促使公共卫生问题成为各国普遍关注的重要议题。当前全球公共卫生面临多元治理主体权责不明、卫生公共品供需失衡、医疗技术与疾病信息的获取存在能力鸿沟和共享壁垒等难题。导致全球公共卫生难题产生的原因有,全球卫生治理与国家卫生治理的优先议程不同、"安全型"与"发展型"卫生治理模式有差异、单边和多边的治理途径有别以及逐利与公益之间难找契合点。可从多层级卫生治理主体的协调与整合、多个治理环节紧密衔接、加强卫生领域南南合作与南北合作、总结地区治理经验等方面完善全球卫生治理体系。作为全球卫生治理的重要行为体,中国积极参与全球卫生治理,为此不断提高本国的卫生治理能力,注重综合运用资源和技术等多种支持途径、提供体现地方差异和高融合度的卫生公共品,并与发展中国家加强合作,推进全球公共卫生新规则和新标准的制定。 相似文献
8.
Li Yongquan 《东北亚论坛》2013,(4):122-127
The Sino-Russia relation is a kind of new state-relationship,which is based on the long-term political,economic and security interests of the people of two countries.Mutual respect,equality,and mutual benefit are the basis of this relationship.China and Russia should strengthen regional cooperation and cultural exchanges so that the bilateral relations can be consolidated further.President Xi Jinping's visit to Russia opens up new opportunities for pragmatic cooperation between China and Russia. 相似文献
9.
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2017,(2):1-15
The year 2016 marked the 25th anniversary of the end of the Cold War and the 15th anniversary of the 9/11 attack.Though international relations are constantly adjusted,the world is by no means more stable and orderly.International order reshaping triggered by the 2008 financial crisis is deepening,with chaos of various kinds popping up here and there.In the sociopolitical field,the "Trump phenomenon" and Brexit indicate serious weakening of the authority of traditional political systems and elites.In major country relations and international security,the world is witnessing the rise of emerging countries and the and fall of the West,fiercer US-Russia and Sino-US wrestling of strategic significance,and greater global and regional security risks.In global governance,while adjustment of UN-centered global governance is laboring along,national rivalries touch core issues,making global governance more urgent. 相似文献
10.
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2017,(2):67-81
The year 2014 was a tipping point for the Barack Obama Administration-that was the year when it strove to forge a legacy of the Obama era but came up against challenges arising from major changes that were taking place internationally and domestically.The Administration was then focused on maintaining a fragile balance between creating this legacy and responding to these challenges.Obama stuck to his fundamental principles when dealing with overseas affairs,but he also came up with new responses.The dynamic balance struck between these two formed the basis of the global strategy of the late-term Obama Administration.The Administration's focus at this time highlights the dilemma it faced in forging a legacy.Further,the foreign policy of Obama and Trump are actually not so different;they both supported some degree of isolationism with a focus on domestic issues. 相似文献
11.
《中国国际问题研究》2024
The rapid development of artificial intelligence(AI),especially the breakthroughs in generative AI technology,has pushed AI to the forefront of the information technology revolution and made the impacts of AI development and its governance model an issue of great concern to the world.In November 2023,the first global AI Safety Summit held at Bletchley Park of the UK released the Bletchley Declaration signed by 28 countries and regional organizations.The summit reached a consensus on advancing AI safety governance and promoting international best practices of AI-focused safety governance in various ways. 相似文献
12.
二十国集团作为国际经济合作的主要平台,要在全球经济治理中发挥核心作用,需要处理好与其他国际机构的关系。二十国集团取代了八国集团在国际经济合作中的地位,并相对明确地划分了各自的议题领域;帮助国际货币基金组织和世界银行筹措资金,推动它们进行配额改革,并取得一定进展;承诺抵制贸易保护主义,推动世界贸易组织多哈回合谈判尽快结束;正努力与联合国建立互利合作的关系。 相似文献
13.
中日关系经济上的合作依存度与政治上的纷争摩擦常态化这一结构性的矛盾日趋显现.从更深层次上探究中日政治经济所处的这种分裂状态根源,从本质上讲背后蕴涵着东北亚大国关系中的域外因素:即美国的第三方因素,其对东北亚的和平稳定发挥着特殊作用.东北亚大国在地区的竞争摩擦时常较为突出,但中美日在东亚地区还是蕴涵着许多重大的共同利益.东北亚传统的"管制型"安全模式需向大国共同"治理型"模式转变趋向,意味着大国区域安全治理的权利、利益、责任的平等与分享,地区安全治理是在大国协作框架下的共同治理,应注重大国在地区安全事务中的关键作用. 相似文献
14.
新世纪以来,全球治理的理论和实践得到了较大的发展,作为全球治理新探索的"海利根达姆进程"受到了较多的关注。运用"结构-进程"互动的视角对其进行分析能够帮助我们更透彻的认识"海利根达姆进程"的启动、发展和演变;此外,这一新视角并不仅限于观察单一案例,对于我们分析和研究更广泛的全球治理实践,也是适用和有效的。 相似文献
15.
James Sperling 《European Security》2014,23(2):126-144
The security governance literature has developed in four waves: the first is dedicated to matters of definition; the second to conceptual debate; the third to matters of application in the European setting and the fourth to how well the concept works in extra-European regions and at the global level. For all this effort, security governance as a concept remains problematic: it still has some way to go before it obtains clear definitional precision, conceptual clarity and a secure standing as concept in Security Studies. We address some of the theoretical and methodological difficulties common to the literature and argue that security governance has become overly preoccupied with agency and has thereby neglected structure. It has, in other words, obtained an actor-centered focus and so tended to conflate security governance as an analytical category with the specific actions of security actors. It has thus moved forward little in its ability to determine how and why security actors behave in the aggregate and whether that behavior reflects wider systemic properties. We thus ask in a third section whether it is worth returning to systemic thinking on security governance especially in the European context where the concept has had its most sophisticated application. 相似文献
16.
Anna Ohanyan 《国际研究展望》2002,3(4):396-416
The article examines the institutional infrastructure that supports the foreign aid flows in the mcrocredit sector in postconflict Bosnia and Herzegovina. It documents the mobilization of transnational networks between different international agencies in the course of the policy formulation and implementation, and elicits the effects that certain network attributes exert on the policy choices made by individual organizations. How and why do international governmental and nongovernmental organizations, with at times conflicting goals, join forces in such networks? More important, whose goals are eventually implemented, and under what conditions? Whose goals are diluted in the process of network mobilization? What are the policy implications of such "battles" for the postconflict reconstruction? The article seeks some answers to these questions, demonstrating how transnational networks intermediate between the organizational goals and the final policy outcomes that result from such a network–based mode of global governance in postconflict regions. 相似文献
17.
International relations specialists have frequently questioned whether their academic research and teaching has any impact on the real world. The record of success is generally believed to be a spotty one. While there is no denying that academics have informed aspects of policymaking, the concern remains that the great bulk of international studies research is too abstract, specialized, or linguistically incestuous to reach the light of day in policy circles. We argue that the relationship between the pursuit of peace and security and the study of it is more complex than is captured by the classic policy–research divide. The argument rests on two observations: First, to assess the public impact of peace and security studies, one must focus on how practices within a variety of institutional contexts, not just state policies, are transformed. Second, it is not scholarship per se that has a measurable public impact, but the interplay of research, practical innovation, and advocacy. We derive these observations from a review of the work of Social Science Research Council–MacArthur Program fellows over the fifteen-year life of that program. 相似文献
18.
虚假信息作为信息操控的重要手段,在国际关系中存在已久。随着信息全球化的深入发展,跨境虚假信息日益泛滥。国际关系学界对于虚假信息的研究尚处于初步阶段,系统性和理论性不足,且充斥西方中心主义思维,甚至成为西方操纵的舆论武器。实际上,虚假信息作为新兴的复合型国家安全威胁,呈现出传统安全与非传统安全交织的特征,是困扰国际社会的一种新生现象。虚假信息对中国国家安全也构成严峻挑战,危害人民安全、政治安全和国家利益。新冠肺炎疫情下的“虚假信息疫情”将这一危害暴露无遗。虚假信息的泛滥有个人心理和社会需求层面的原因,也受信息技术及政治经济利益驱动的影响。当前,虚假信息政治化倾向严重,对国家安全乃至国际安全的挑战日趋复杂严峻。因此,我们必须以贯彻落实总体国家安全观为目标,强化虚假信息治理,有效防范化解虚假信息安全风险。 相似文献
19.
韩国企业集团公司治理结构特征分析及启迪 总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0
韩国具有垄断资本特征的、依仗政府的扶植政策人为地制造出来的企业集团的产生及成长过程决定着其公司治理结构的特征:家族控制与家族经营、过度依赖政府、资本结构中负债率过高等。在企业集团治理机制方面,企业控制权通常掌握在某一个仅持有少量股份的家族所有者———管理者手中,政府对商业银行的控制使得银行总是在扮演着“提款机”的角色。探讨韩国企业集团公司治理结构特征,对我国企业内外部治理结构的改革具有重要的借鉴意义。 相似文献
20.
粮食安全与否,对人、国家和国际体系的安全都意义重大。它所产生的威胁具有高度跨国性、扩散性、嬗变性、多层面性和多向度性,是典型的非传统安全。实现粮食安全,要超越以国家为中心的传统安全观念和手段,建立以共同、综合、合作、可持续的新安全观为基础的粮食安全治理体系,构建多层次和大规模的非传统安全共同体。金砖国家粮食安全合作,有利于提升各成员国的粮食安全水平,促进金砖国家落实《2030年可持续发展议程》,提高金砖国家参与全球粮食安全治理能力,推动全球粮食安全治理改革,构建金砖国家命运共同体。作为金砖国家非传统安全合作的重要组成部分,金砖国家粮食安全合作基本确立了合作架构,初步搭建农业科技信息平台,金砖农业实力不断壮大,全球粮食安全治理中实现有限合作,具有了金砖国家非传统安全共同体的雏形。但其仍然面临着合作动力减弱、合作机制不完善和合作领域亟待深化的挑战。只有金砖国家真正树立并践行新安全观,才能聚合各方诉求,加强合作动力,深化气候、科技创新、农业贸易投资便利化、信息交流与共享等领域的合作,完善政府、科研、企业三位一体的合作机制,推动全球粮食安全治理体系向更加有利于发展中国家的方向发展。 相似文献