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1.
Vincenzo Pavone 《The Review of International Organizations》2007,2(1):77-95
Whilst there is an ever-growing literature on the economic and political aspects of ‘globalization,’ at present there are
few studies analyzing how intergovernmental organizations have reacted to this phenomenon. This article aims to fill this
gap by analyzing the response to globalization of UNESCO, one of the least studied organizations of the UN constellation.
Addressing the global orientation of some of the current programs, this article shows how a recent re-evaluation of scientific
humanism—the main philosophical framework contributing to the creation of UNESCO—has influenced both UNESCO’s self-understanding
and its understanding of globalization. Scientific humanism is a philosophical utopia that couples the advance of scientific
knowledge with the diffusion of a common philosophical framework and promotes a universal system of education in order to
establish a global community. Based on the philosophical appeal of a culture of peace based on science, humanism and human
rights, UNESCO’s representation of globalization represents an intriguing example of how our global future may be conceived
and, to some extent, realized.
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Vincenzo PavoneEmail: |
2.
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2017,(2):107-129
The year of 2016 witnessed the balance of internal and external situations,calm and steady actions and proper planning in major power diplomacy with Chinese characteristics.Those were reflected in the success of the G20 summit,the vigorous promotion of the One Belt,One Road (B&R) Initiative and the active promotion of international cooperation on development,which acquired positive response and general agreement from the international community and made special contributions to building a more just and reasonable international order.Those were also reflected in the active management of major power relations and sound responses to the changing situation in the surrounding area to create good external environment for domestic development.In addition,further expansion and defending of overseas interests set higher standards for Chinese diplomacy.Having been pushed by the era to the forefront,China is performing its responsibility as a major power in a peculiar way and will certainly make greater contributions to world peace and development. 相似文献
3.
中国与马来西亚转变中的政治经济关系,是自1980年代起,由三项政策所促成的。就区域的观点而言,中国与马来西亚转变中的政治经济关系,并不是最为特别的,它是中国与东南亚地区发展政治经济关系的一部分而已。换言之,自1980年代初期起,中国亦开始与东南亚地区的其它国家,加强其政治经济关系。 相似文献
4.
Erin Baggott Carter 《国际相互影响》2020,46(2):163-198
ABSTRACTThis study explains how the economy affects the foreign policy rhetoric used by American presidents. When economic conditions deteriorate, presidents criticize foreign nations to boost their approval ratings. Presidents use this “diversionary cheap talk” in response to the misery index of unemployment plus inflation, which poses a unique threat to their popularity. They target historical rivals, which make intergroup distinctions most salient. Diversionary cheap talk is most influential for and most frequently used by Democratic presidents, whose non-core constituents prefer hawkish foreign policy but already expect it from Republican presidents. I test the observable implications of the theory with the American Diplomacy Dataset, an original record of 50,000 American foreign policy events between 1851 and 2010 drawn from a corpus of 1.3 million New York Times articles. 相似文献
5.
Since he took office,the new US president,Donald Trump,has unveiled his broad economic policy-now called Trumponomics.It emphasizes neoliberalism at home,less government regulations,more growth and weakening the welfare state.Internationally,Trumponomics embraces protectionism and nativism with a focus on US economic interests.Trumponomics caters to the lower-middle classes,a reflection of the country's current economic and diplomatic challenges.Trumponomics will bring uncertainty to China-US economic and trade relations.China should carefully study the policies of the Trump administration and prepare contingency plans. 相似文献
6.
《现代国际关系(英文版)》2017,(4):89-101
Since 2014,the development of the China-India relationship has followed a trend of starting high and ending low.The China-India relationship warmed up rapidly in the first two years,which nevertheless failed to bring about a substantial breakthrough in their bilateral relations,as India's strategic doubts about China and their differences of interests on numerous issues still pose difficulties. 相似文献
7.
第二次世界大战前的日俄、日苏关系是影响东亚地区国际关系格局的重要双边关系。在日本明治维新以前日俄关系具有西方殖民列强与亚洲闭关锁国的封建国家之间关系的特点,总体态势是“俄攻日守”。明治维新到十月革命前的日俄关系具有老牌的殖民主义列强与新兴殖民主义列强之间关系的特点,日俄在东亚既有争夺,又有合作,日本逐渐占了上风。十月革命后日苏关系既有社会主义国家和帝国主义国家之间的关系、邻国关系的特点,又有较为浓厚的欧洲国家和亚洲国家之间关系的特点。这时期,两国之间始终未能建立真正的信赖关系,经历了“日攻苏守”到“苏攻日守”的转变过程。 相似文献
8.
2010年是印度尼西亚与中国建交60周年。60年的双边政经互动关系不只是基于历史与地缘因素,也深受国家安全与经济利益的影响。 相似文献
9.
10.
中国和马来世界相互关系的重要事实是:他们保持了至少1 500年虽反复无常但基本良好的贸易关系,以及随后一个世纪的不信任和疏远。中国和各个马来国家的政治文化转变对这种关系的转变产生了决定性的影响,这些都反映在华人的学术著作中。也许我们可以指望,在新的条件和情况下,中国和马来世界将能找到新的出发点来重建一种持续稳定的关系。 相似文献
11.
AbstractThis introductory article to the special issue on “Japanese Political Economy Revisited: Diverse Corporate Change, Institutional Transformation, and Abenomics” starts with a short summaryof the changing perceptions of Japan's political economy from its meteoric rise as worldwide leading model in the 1970s and 1980s to its demotiontoa problem and reform case since the later 1990s. Based on this overview, it identifies some striking issue and open questions in this conventional view of Japan's political economy as problem and the high expectations on Abenomics as Japan's current economic reform programme. Then we discuss the articles of the special issue and their new contributionsto a better understanding of the developments at the corporate level as well as institutional change and economic reforms at the macro level in the last two decades. Finally, this introductory article ends with a short outlineof a new research programme and four central research questions about the Japanese political economy. 相似文献
12.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(5):670-702
We argue that the global spread of ideas contributes to trade liberalization. Building on insights from a rich case-based literature, we suggest an explicit mechanism of trade policy diffusion: US-trained Ph.D. economists, who share a common belief in the benefits of free trade, and who operate with varying degrees of political influence around the world. We offer the first cross-national test of the impact of economists on trade liberalization using a unique dataset recording the country of residence of all 6,493 foreign-based, US-trained American Economic Association (AEA) members over the period 1981–1997. Specifically, we measure the influence of economists on the timing and extent of trade liberalization. First, we endogenize the date of trade liberalization using hazard and probit models. Controlling for alternative diffusion mechanisms and other confounding variables, our results suggest that economists significantly speed up the reform process. Second, we find that countries with greater numbers of economists are more open to trade at the end of the period. All of our results are robust to an instrumental variables strategy that employs the number of Fulbright grants allocated by the United States as an instrument for the number of US-trained economists. 相似文献
13.
新冠肺炎疫情的急剧扩散正在对世界经济产生严重冲击,使得任何国家都无法独善其身。本文探讨了疫情对世界经济增长、深层次结构以及全球经济治理等领域可能造成的冲击,认为世界经济秩序和国际经济关系都将受到重大影响,全球化进程可能呈现出现碎片化发展趋势,全球治理赤字更加凸显且内容更加广域化,跨国公司的产业链重构进程将有所加快并更加注重安全因素。在这种严峻形势下,中国应采取更加系统的应对措施,短期内宏观经济政策重心应该从“保增长”调整为“保就业”,并努力确保外向型产业链稳定;中长期应该更加注重扩大内需,进一步扩大金融业开放和积极推进国际经济协调。 相似文献
14.
即使在"日本奇迹"风光不再的今天,如何正确认识日本的经验和教训这个问题对中国今后要走什么样的发展道路仍然有着很大的启示和借鉴意义。日本是一个成熟的发达国家,具有很多发达社会的特征和东方现代化的独有特点,其中优良的社会治理和社会中相对较高的平等程度是最具特色和最有启发意义的。中日两国有着相近的历史文化传统,在中国现代化和社会转型的过程中,日本在社会治理方面的经验比西方经验更值得借鉴。同时,日本在高速经济增长之后长期的经济低迷也足以使中国引以为戒。 相似文献
15.
Raymond Hinnebusch 《Democratization》2015,22(2):358-374
This conclusion summarizes the evidence explaining the divergent trajectories taken by post Arab uprising states in terms of multiple variables, each illustrated by an iconic case, namely: State Failure and Competitive governance (Syria), Regime Restoration and Hybrid Governance (Egypt) and Polyarchic Governance (Tunisia). Factors include the starting point: levels of opposition mobilization and regimes' resilience – a function of their patrimonial-bureaucratic balance; whether or not a transition coalition forms is crucial for democratization prospects. Context also matters for democratization, particularly political economic factors, such as a balance of class power and a productive economy; political culture (level of societal identity cleavages) and a minimum of international intervention. Finally, the balance of agency between democracy movements, Islamists, the military and workers shapes democratization prospects. 相似文献
16.
Sieglinde Gstöhl 《The Review of International Organizations》2007,2(1):1-37
As an informal grouping without headquarters, permanent staff or legal powers, the world’s major industrialized countries must rely on other actors, in particular international organizations, to manage global problems. This article examines how the Group of Eight contributes to global governance by cooperating with international organizations in the cases of debt relief and the fight against terrorist finance. It shows that the G8 draws on international institutions with the aid of government networks and argues that this cooperation is stronger, the greater the Group’s concentration of relevant power and the more important it considers the institutions’ resources. 相似文献
17.
Lieven Pauwels 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2016,28(1):1-29
The present study applies Social Learning (Differential Association) Theory to the explanation of political violence, focusing on exposure to extremist content through new social media (NSM) and controlling for key variables derived from rival theories. Data are gathered using (a) a paper-and-pencil study among high school students, and (b) a web survey targeting youths between 16 and 24 years old. A total of 6020 respondents form the dataset. Binary logistic regression is used to analyze the data. Results show that even when controlling for background variables, strain variables, personality characteristics, moral values, and peer influences, the statistical association between measures of extremism through NSM (ENSM) and self-reported political violence remains significant and fairly constant. The most persistent effects are found for those measures where individuals actively seek out extremist content on the Internet, as opposed to passive and accidental encounters using NSM. Furthermore, offline differential associations with racist and delinquent peers are also strongly and directly related to self-reported political violence, as are some mechanisms from rival perspectives. This indicates that political violence can only partially be explained by social learning and suggests that the impact of ENSM is mediated by real-world associations and that the offline world has to be taken into account. 相似文献
18.
东北地区资源安全与社会经济发展 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
东北地区是我国开发历史最短的地区之一,在东北亚地区及我国的战略地位举足轻重,东北地区社会经济发展始终对全国产生重要影响。目前,东北地区面临诸多的困难与问题,但有利因素也很多,许多潜在优势尚未发挥出来。为此,应加强对东北地区的深入研究,在东北老工业基地改造和经济结构调整的过程中,采取正确的战略对策,坚持不懈地努力,尽量实现东北地区的现代化。 相似文献
19.
正In October 2014,the Fourth Plenum of the 18thCPC Central Committee put forward the general objective of taking faster steps to build a country which is governed by law.The conference also reviewed the achievements and experience of the rule of law in China,and drew the blueprint of sticking to and 相似文献
20.
Tazreena Sajjad 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(6):1106-1125
Over the past decades, a pattern has emerged across the Islamic world of secular actors struggling to build sustainable social movements while Islamists show a higher success rate in doing so—a dynamic often accompanied by high levels of violence and little space for dialogue between actors from across the political spectrum. In this article, we illustrate the utility of social movement theory (SMT) in explaining the ability of some movements to mobilize en masse, while others become marginalized. Furthermore, we suggest that SMT is useful in understanding the processes that produce socio-political dynamics conducive to violent rather than non-violent tactics. Through a case study of Bangladesh, where in 2013 the secular Shahbag mobilization was derailed by a massive Islamist counter-mobilization, this article shows how movements not only capitalize on, but actually contribute to, shifts in cultural discourse through political maneuvering and long-term socialization. By anchoring their ideology in pre-existing religio-cultural imagery, Islamists have been successful in casting themselves as “authentic” defenders of Islam and their secular opponents as “atheists.” In such a socio-political context, the space for dialogue among the various political actors is severely limited and the impetus to employ violent tactics strong. 相似文献