走向全球化的北大西洋公约组织

一、成立背景及其概况 北大西洋公约组织（North Atlantic Treaty Organization，NATO）（以下简称北约）是1949年4月4日由美国、英国、法国、荷兰、比利时、卢森堡、加拿大、丹麦、挪威、冰岛、葡萄牙、意大利等12国在华盛顿共同签署《北大西洋公约》而成立的。按照《北大西洋公约》有关规定，缔约国实行“集体防御”，任何缔约国同他国发生战争时，应给予“援助”，包括使用武力。北约组织所涉及的地理范围包括北美、欧洲成员国和土耳其本土及地中海、北回归线以北大西洋内各成员国之岛屿。总部设在比利时首都布鲁塞尔。     

日本解禁集体自卫权的过程及战略意图

日本老牌保守政党自民党谋求解禁"集体自卫权"和修改"和平宪法"由来已久。安倍上台伊始,就逐步将修改宪法解释允许行使集体自卫权变成内阁决议案。"日本安全保障法"的生效,意味着日本自卫队赴海外可随机行使集体自卫权,以武力攻击形式维护和保障本国安全或同盟国的安全。为了恢复日本因二战中侵略他国而"丧失"的部分国家对外职能,谋求废除联合国宪章中的"敌国条款",安倍等保守派政要力图通过行使"集体自卫权"达到修改宪法第九条、使日本成为拥有军队和交战权的"正常国家",最终谋求政治军事大国的目的。可以说,解禁集体自卫权是战后日本国家安全战略的质变,已对东亚和平稳定与安全环境带来了深刻的负面影响。     

中欧伙伴关系协定中的"人权条款"问题

中欧目前正在进行<伙伴关系与合作协定>的谈判工作.作为未来中欧关系良性发展的法律基础,新协定将涵盖中欧双边关系的全部领域.人权问题一直是中欧关系中的敏感议题,欧盟期望在新协定中纳入"人权条款".形式上借鉴了国际法规则的"人权条款"是欧共体缔约时必然坚持的一道门槛,兼具制裁和激励的双重功能.参照欧共体以往的缔约经验,结合"人权条款"的具体实践,就法律和政治角度而言,中国在正确认识"人权条款"对欧盟的重要性和潜在法律风险的基础上,有限度地接受"人权条款"似乎利大于弊,较为可行.     

非洲集体安全机制的发展研究

建立非洲集体安全机制是非洲国家开展合作与一体化进程的一个重要方面,是非洲人民努力实现联合自强、集体自力更生的重要表现。冷战时期,非统在建立非洲集体安全战略和安全机制方面进行了初步尝试。冷战结束后,随着地区形势的变化及非洲地区主义的新发展,非洲国家在地区安全一体化中进行了新探索,在深化泛非层面冲突控制机制的同时,积极鼓励次地区组织强化预防和处理冲突的能力,且以综合安全战略作为非洲集体安全机制的核心理念和思想基础。此外,笔者还对非洲国家进一步完善集体安全机制的建设提出了见解。     

日本解禁集体自卫权的举措与影响

安倍政权以修宪强国为目标,利用中日钓鱼岛争端鼓吹所谓"中国威胁论",积极谋求行使集体自卫权。日本内阁会议通过有关"行使集体自卫权的宪法解释"决议案,明确改变了日本政府过去对集体自卫权"虽拥有,但不能行使"的宪法解释,这不仅会从根本上改变战后日本的"和平发展道路"及"专守防卫"安全政策,而且将与日美同盟体系的强化发生联动,给亚太地区格局带来冲击。     

联合国集体安全机制与中国安全环境

本文从联合国集体安全机制入手,阐述了集体安全理念、联合国集体安全机制的内涵及其现实意义,以及所面临的一些制度性缺陷和现实挑战。文章结合中国和平发展所要求的安全环境和安全思想,分析联合国集体安全机制对我国安全环境所能提供的制度性保障,并探讨了中国当前应当如何着手正视这些挑战,以怎样的态度来提高联合国集体安全机制的效能。     

国际烟草控制机制与公共健康规范在中国的扩散

国际烟草控制机制是世界卫生组织在重视公共健康价值的基础上构建与发展的,其中公共健康规范占据了国际烟草控制机制的主导地位.而<烟草控制框架公约>作为世界卫生组织第一个旨在限制全球烟草和烟草制品的国际机制,对世界范围内烟草控制的各方面进行了明确的规定, 内容具有广泛性和全面性.中国作为<烟草控制框架公约>的签约国之一,虽与<烟草控制框架公约>的要求还存在一定的差距,但随着社会的发展以及负责任的大国态度的确立,中国在控烟问题上正向世界靠拢,公共健康规范在中国趋向深层扩散.     

对“集体安全”的几点看法

“集体安全”一词近年来在国际关系中出现的频率越来越高，许多人也认为集体安全是一种可靠的安全模式。集体安全有其优点，但同时在理论与实践中存在一些难以克服的缺憾，对此我们应有全面的认识。中国在集体安全问题上应客观冷静地采取科学的两面兼顾的态度     

联合国集体安全机制的困境

本文以国际机制的局限性为理论出发点,剖析联合国在和平与安全领域的机制安排及其面临的困境.笔者首先从理论上阐述国际机制的局限性,尔后剖析了联合国集体安全机制的内容--内外局限及其困境,最后提出解决这些困境的建设性意见.     

安倍解禁集体自卫权的战略意图、路径及对中日关系的影响

解禁集体自卫权意味着当美国及其他与日本关系密切的国家在遭受攻击时,日本自卫队可以将其视为对本国的攻击而予以反击。安倍意图通过这一方式,谋求"摆脱战后体制",实现日本的"正常国家化",并进一步实现"重振日本"的政治大国化目标。但行使集体自卫权超出了宪法第九条允许的"自卫所需最低限度"范围,因此除非修宪或修改宪法解释,否则此举即被视为违宪。而鉴于修宪的门槛较高,使得他认识到无法一蹴而就,只得采取切香肠的方式,改以不断变通妥协争取部分进取的中期渐进和长期稳打的路线。现阶段,其目标是通过修改宪法解释来有条件地行使"限定性集体自卫权"。与此同时,为降低国内外对解禁集体自卫权的疑虑,以增强支持,安倍一方面打出了"积极和平主义"的旗号,以漂白自己,另一方面又刻意抹黑中国,将之渲染为威胁日本及周边安全的假想敌。可以想见,此举势将进一步导致本已陷入僵局的中日关系雪上加霜。     

独联体集安组织建立集体快反部队

2009年2月4—5日,在莫斯科召开的独联体集体安全条约组织(简称集安组织)成员国特别峰会上,俄罗斯、白俄罗斯、亚美尼亚、哈萨克斯坦、乌兹别克斯坦、塔吉克斯坦和吉尔吉斯斯坦七国总统签署建立集体快速反应部队的协议。快反部队的建立进一步加强了集安组织政治军事凝聚力,对该组织发展具有重大意义。     

公民身份与欧洲集体认同

功能主义在过去 4 0年中一直主导着一体化进程 ,但如今其工具理性在一体化深化方面显得非常乏力。何以发掘一体化的深层动力 ?笔者认为体现价值理性的公民身份和集体认同的形成是摆脱当前理论和现实窘困的关键所在。公民身份和集体认同的形成代表了欧洲文明的有机生长和持续进化 ,集体身份的进化和最终形成附着于政治文化 ,而欧洲多元民主社会的统一政治文化的整合依赖于行政灌输和社会习得     

Collective Security and Non-State Actors in Eurasia

International security cooperation usually takes one of two forms. A classical collective security organization is designed to promote international security through regulating the behavior of its member states. A defensive security organization is designed to protect a group of states from threats emanating from a challenging state or group of states. Both forms of security cooperation bind states to act in concert with respect to threats presented by other states. The emergence of non-state actors such as terrorist or extremist organizations challenges traditional forms of collective security. Threats from political extremism, terrorism, and outlaw organizations have grown in visibility during the past decade in the countries of Eurasia. The terrorist attacks of September 11 and the ensuing global war on terrorism have given added impetus to the Eurasian inter-state cooperation in confronting non-traditional threats and challenges from non-state actors. Bearing in mind the theory of collective security, this article analyzes threats posed by non-state actors with respect to Eurasian collective security organizations including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures, and the CIS Collective Security Treaty Organization. The article concludes that the effectiveness of these organizations at achieving stated objectives depends upon their capacity to adopt new criteria of effectiveness.     

集体行动的难题与制衡霸权

国际政治中的一个突出的现象是,对霸权国或霸权觊觎者的制衡常常是低效的,甚至以失败而告终。本文借助集体行动的理论,试图对这一现象加以解释。通过对中国战国时期六国抗秦战争、拿破仑战争以及冷战后国际关系的历史考察,文章指出,国家间的猜忌与不信任、公共物品本身的属性、个体理性与集体理性之间的张力等一系列集体行动本身所固有的困境,是造成反霸失败或低效的重要原因所在。     

Organizations,Credibility, and the Psychology of Collective Action

Political organizations frequently attempt to recruit sympathetic citizens to support their causes. Doing so requires communicating credibility—that is, persuading potential new supporters that they can actually achieve the goals they set out to achieve. In this article we investigate two of the predominant kinds of information that organizations might use to establish credibility: retrospective information (about past successes) and prospective information (about future plans). Using one field experiment and one survey experiment, we find that retrospective information fails to increase people’s willingness to spend scarce resources supporting political organizations. We find that this occurs because information about past successes suggests that the organization can succeed without any additional help. In contrast, we find that prospective information motivates new participants to become active.     

Global Collective Memory: Conceptual Difficulties of an Appealing Idea

The idea of “collective memory” has attracted substantial attention since Maurice Halbwachs’ path-breaking work in the 1920s. Recently we have started to notice references, at an increasing pace, to a global(ised) version of collective memory. This essay argues that “global collective memory”, especially in light of Halbwachs’ original understanding, is not a particularly strong or promising concept. First, the essay discusses three kinds of memory, namely individual, organisational, and institutional, and juxtaposes them with the idea of collective memory. Then it turns more specifically to a discussion of the global scale, and suggests that the intricate connections between these different types acquire a new degree of complexity when transposed to the global level due to the questions of politics and identity. The essay suggests further that a global memory, conceptualised with reference to its institutional rather than collective characteristics, may well be in the making.     

Three Prompts for Collective Action in the Context of Digital Media

Research dealing with the nexus of collective action, political participation, and digital media confronts three challenges: conceptualizing digital media as an influence on human behavior, finding common ground among new theories, and connecting together individual-level models with structural-level theories. This article addresses these challenges as a theoretical undertaking. It argues that the digital media environment should be understood as a change in the context for action rather than as an individual-level variable, and that this changed context is relevant to behavior because it expands opportunities for action. This expansion involves a range of structural possibilities for viable collective action that entail at least three paths: organizational prompts, social prompts, and self-initiation. There are theoretical reasons to expect that individual-level attributes including age, education, ideology, and personality may differentially affect people’s susceptibility to these prompts. Future research may profit from refinements to behavioral models that account for possible differences across structurally different prompts for action.