(二)泰国大事记(1976年7月至12月)

1日路透社报导,自1951年7月以来,科伦坡计划向有14亿人口的亚太国家提供440亿美元的援助,其中四分之三来自美国,它提供333亿美元,日本55.9亿美元,英国28.9亿美元,加拿大18.3亿美元、澳大利亚11.3亿美元,新加坡0.88亿美元。     

公共外交视角下的澳大利亚新科伦坡计划及其对中国的启示

新科伦坡计划是澳大利亚政府的一项重大公共外交倡议。澳大利亚实施该计划是出于对国家利益、国家形象与公共外交潮流的考量。新科伦坡计划在政策设计上具有包容性,建立了多方协调机制,拥有紧密的校友网络,其扭转了传统的由亚洲向澳大利亚单向流动的趋势,鼓励双向交流,有利于加深澳大利亚和印度洋—太平洋地区的关系。但是,其公共外交目标的实现仍然面临着学生偏好短期项目、语言障碍以及公共外交有效性评估困难的挑战。印度洋—太平洋地区也是中国推进21世纪海上丝绸之路建设的沿线地带,中国开展公共外交应借鉴澳大利亚的经验,吸取其教训。     

加拿大对外援助与国家海外形象建构

二战后,为实践"独立、直接贡献、相应的国际地位"的中等国家外交思想,建构"亲善的国际主义"国家海外形象,加拿大选择对外援助为该国投射软权力的路径之一。在对外援助实践中,加拿大参与了美国主导的"马歇尔计划"、英联邦主导的"科伦坡计划"以及加拿大自身主导的"非洲计划"和"加勒比计划"。在这一系列的对外援助中,加拿大成功地输出了"和平、消除贫困、亲善、贡献"的国家价值观,实现了国家海外形象的建构目标。本文将主要考察加拿大如何通过对外援助的方式实现全球软权力投射并建构国家海外形象。     

1963年印(尼)马对抗与东南亚地区之大国角力

1963年1月印尼因反对英国主导下的马来西亚计划而发起"印(尼)马对抗",在国际冷战背景下相关大国陆续介入,其中美国为防止印尼倒向共产主义阵营以及避免因《澳新美安全条约》而卷入军事冲突,在继续对印尼援助的基础上力主由亚洲国家自行调停解决,但美国政府的继续援助措施遭到包括英、澳、新(西兰)、马等国以及美国国会的强烈反对;英国、澳大利亚及新西兰在支持马来西亚成立和维护西南太平洋地区安全稳定的基础上,坚决反对印尼的对抗政策;日本在美国支持下积极重返东南亚市场,因此希望该地区保持稳定并提出池田斡旋计划;而苏、中两国从两大阵营对立和反帝反殖角度,分别从物质和舆论方面支持苏加诺的对抗政策。通过对印(尼)马对抗爆发期间大国角力问题的探讨,显示出东南亚地区冲突中所包含的冷战与非殖民化、革命与发展、东西方对抗与地缘政治矛盾等诸多复杂因素。     

《剑桥东南亚史》述评

英国剑桥大学出版的各种《剑桥史》如《剑桥中国史》、《剑桥世界史》 (古代、近代 )等早已享誉国际学术界。《剑桥东南亚史》是各种剑桥史中较晚出的一种 ,英文第一版出版于 1 992年。由于 90年代初才出版 ,该书大量吸收了此前国际学术界对东南亚史研究的成果 ,而且在写法上更具有当代史学著作的特点。因此 ,它出版后就受到学术界的欢迎 ,受到高度评价 ,并在 1 994年再次印刷。《剑桥东南亚史》由新西兰奥克兰大学教授尼果拉·塔林担任主编 ,由美国、英国、荷兰、日本、新加坡、马来西亚、澳大利亚、新西兰、香港等九个国家和地区的十多名…     

西方减贫战略对非洲国家的政治影响

“重债穷国”计划作为国际货币基金组织和世界银行的一个减债计划 ,涉及众多发展中国家 ,尤其是非洲国家 ,其实施效果备受关注。《减贫战略文件》是组织实施“重债穷国”计划对相关国家进行援助和减免债务的基础。一方面 ,《减贫战略文件》是对受援国进行援助与减债的重要依据和参考指标 ,对实施“重债穷国”计划起着重要作用 ,成为受援国同国际货币基金组织和世界银行进行谈判的核心政策文件 ;另一方面 ,作为一种连接南北关系的新纽带 ,减贫战略既带有传统南北关系的深深烙印 ,又反映了新的历史时期南北关系的新动向 ,特别是在减贫与援助问题上 ,发达国家调整对非洲政策 ,减贫战略在非洲的实施正以一种新的方式侵蚀着非洲国家的传统主权     

欧盟的全球援助体系概况

在国际关系领域，对外援助是外交政策的工具，服务于援助国的国家利益。二战后，随着美国“马歇尔计划”的实施，对外援助在国际关系中发挥越来越重要的作用。美、苏两个超级大国即利用对外援助争夺、扶植、拉拢其他国家，以壮大各自阵营实力。欧盟前身欧共体的对外援助始于1957年同非洲、加勒比、太平洋地区（即ACP地区）签署的两个《温雅得协定》和五个《洛美协定》，     

《东南亚国家经济发展战略研究》一书即将出版

《东南亚国家经济发展战略研究》一书是“六五”计划期间国家社会科学研究的重点项目之一,《发展中国家经济发展战略研究》的一个组成部分。这一重点科研项目由厦门大学南洋研究所、北京大学亚洲研究所、中国社会科学院拉丁美洲研究所、西亚非洲研究所、南亚研究所等单位联合承担。经过两年多的共同努力,已于1985年11月较好地完成了任务,编写出了《东南亚国家经济发展战略研究》、《拉丁美洲国家经济发展战略     

东南亚核能发展的现状、动力与前景

核能正成为东南亚国家满足中长期日益增长的能源需求的重要战略选择。目前，东南亚国家的核能计划发展程度整体上尚处于初级阶段。东南亚国家发展核能计划主要出于政治、经济和环保等方面的考虑，但同时又受到舆论、技术与安全等方面因素的约束。东南亚部分国家虽然已经把发展核能作为促进国家发展的重要动力，但同时也在谨慎地应对地区和国际社会对核扩散的极度关注。     

马来西亚:自主行事应对 经济前景看好

１９９７年始发于泰国的金融危机，迅速波及到印尼、马来西亚、菲律宾：新加坡等东南亚国家，泰国、印尼、马来西亚、菲律宾成为受金融危机打击的重灾国。为了筹措资金重建经济，泰国、印尼和菲律宾先后接受国际货币基金组织（ＩＭＦ）的援助。根据援助条件，它们必须在ＩＭＦ的指导下进行经济改革，甚至政治改革。比起其他３国，马来西亚明显桀骛不驯，是东盟四个重灾国中拒绝接受国际货币基金组织（ＩＭＦ）援助的唯一国家。那么，“拒援”对马国是有利或不利？在东南亚金融危机发生两年之后，马来西亚与其它接受ＩＭＦ援助的国家相比，它…     

Operationalizing Social Capital: A Strategy to Enhance Communities'"Capacity to Concert"

This article addresses a concern increasingly being voiced in the donor establishment: fifty years of development assistance programs have failed to produce conclusive evidence that they can foster sustainable economic and social development in poor countries. The nature of donor programs is such that it emphasizes economic remedies and orients aid to finite projects. Yet recent evidence suggests that sustained development may be more a continued civic process whereby communities form their capacity to come to their own understandings about public ways of behaving and relating, whereby they develop their capacity to concert . This translates into a practical capability to pinpoint underlying problems, assess alternative approaches, and devise solutions most likely to be sustained. This micro capability may also have important macroeconomic implications in terms of institutional predictability and—through it—in terms of scale economies, transaction costs, transparency, incentive to innovate, and climate to implement public policies. The article suggests an alternative approach to development assistance and offers concrete recommendations to donors.     

Impact of human rights on U.S. foreign assistance to Latin America

Building upon the contributions of previous studies of U.S. foreign aid, this study examines the relationship between human rights and U.S. foreign assistance. Concentrating on the years 1979–1985, the impact of human rights conditions on both economic and military aid allocations to Latin America is analyzed. The results of this analysis indicate that though other factors have a significant effect upon aid allocation, human rights are an important factor in determining the allocation of both U.S. economic assistance and U.S. military assistance. The findings suggest that those countries with better human rights conditions are likely to receive more U.S. aid than others.     

Aid: A mixed blessing

Despite a growing emphasis by aid agencies on local participation and consultation, the recipients of aid commonly have mixed, if not hostile, responses to relief assistance. Agencies need to acknowledge the inequalities that are inherent in an aid relationship, and be more judicious in determining their proper role. The author calls for aid providers and recipients to accept our innate human equality and our circumstantial inequality in order to establish relationships of mutual respect and contemporaneous enjoyment of each other.     

Challenges of Evaluating Democracy Assistance: Perspectives from the Donor Side

A large number of multilateral and bilateral donors have become engaged in the area of democracy and governance (DG) assistance over the last 15 years, stimulated by a series of trends and events. Despite the maturation of DG assistance as an important development area and the high profile of democracy promotion as a key foreign policy goal, research on the impact of this assistance and the effectiveness of different types of programming has been limited. Donors are constantly in need of feedback on the effectiveness and impact of their programming in order to revise programme designs, re-strategize aid portfolios, or address new DG issues. Moreover, legislatures increasingly require government aid agencies to be able to measure the results of their programmes, thereby demonstrating a ‘return on investment’ that would guide future assistance. Quality research is hampered by a daunting political, logistical, and methodological context, however. In 2005 a donor-sponsored workshop was organized to discuss challenges facing the evaluation and assessment of DG programming and assistance. The purpose of this article is to share insights from the workshop with a wider audience of scholars, practitioners and other policy-makers in the hope that this will stimulate additional research and thinking in this area.     

“Good Deeds Aren’t Enough”: Point Four in Iran, 1949–1953

Iran enjoyed some of the earliest fruits and efforts of the Point Four programme, an initiative borne out of President Harry Truman’s 1949 inaugural address. Over the last decade, a robust literature on development theory and American foreign policy has emerged. That research reveals complex motivations and agendas. Point Four in Iran, specifically, offers a discrete, early picture of America’s broader effort to utilise technical assistance to elevate poor peoples’ standards of living and inoculate poor states from communist appeals. It is one of the landmark programmes during this genesis period. The Iranian government was amongst the first that the State Department approached to establish technical aid under this initiative, and, indeed, American aid to Iran continued into the 1970s. By mid-1953, however, larger and more direct aid absorbed this specific assistance and development effort to bolster the shah’s government, which gained secure power after an American Central Intelligence Agency and British intelligence—MI6—backed coup that same year. Scholars have argued that Truman’s foreign aid innovations reshaped United States foreign policy. The Point Four programme in Iran, however, also reveals the limits of that revolution.     

Democracy promotion in Kosovo: mapping the substance of donor assistance and a comparative analysis of strategies

From the perspective of Kosovo, this article contributes to a growing literature focusing on the substance of donor-driven democracy promotion. Drawing on extensive empirical research between 2010 and 2012, the research provides greater insights into which donors are providing what sort of assistance; how the content and focus of aid are decided and formulated; and the behaviour of the European Union (EU) and other large donors compared with small bilaterals and private foundations. By including the category of ‘governance-oriented’ assistance to classify donor initiatives, a more nuanced mapping of priorities and strategies is offered, which distinguishes between those measures designed to engage civil society (developmental), those focusing on institutions and elite level change (political), and interventions specifically designed to promote closer interaction between government and nongovernmental actors. The conclusion reached is that, although overall levels of aid to Kosovo have remained relatively stable since 2008, donor behaviour is in flux, with evidence of an emergent distinction between what larger donors offer and the provision of smaller bilaterals and private foundations. This, it is argued, has serious implications for the capacity of the EU to continue providing extensive aid across a wide range of issues and policy areas as part of its pre-accession assistance.     

Forgotten Conflicts: Need versus Political Priority in the Allocation of Humanitarian Aid across Conflict Areas

Despite a principled commitment to assist people in need equally, the allocation of humanitarian assistance across conflict and post-conflict states shows remarkable variation that is not easily explained by differences in the level of recipient-need. This paper attempts to explain these “forgotten conflicts“ by analyzing the determinants of humanitarian aid to civil war and post-civil war states. Using cross-national panel data on humanitarian aid provisions, I show that the most important determinants of international humanitarian assistance are not always demand-side factors measuring humanitarian need – as the principals of humanitarian action would dictate – but often strategic factors that reflect donors’ political interests in providing humanitarian assistance. Although humanitarian aid to ongoing civil wars appears to be substantially more humanitarian than strategic in its allocation, humanitarian aid provided to post-conflict states in the aftermath of civil war tends to go to conflicts where donors perceive important strategic and political interests. These results suggest that one important explanation for why some conflicts are essentially ignored or gradually neglected over time is that strategic interests of donors can dominate humanitarian concerns over time.     

International assistance to promote independent media in transition and post-conflict societies

This article focuses on an important but neglected area of democracy assistance: international aid to build and strengthen independent media in transition and post-conflict societies. The purpose of such assistance is to promote democratization by facilitating the free flow of information, transparency, accountability in the government, and economic growth. The article describes the origin of media assistance, examines the focus of media programmes, and presents some of the most important policy and programmatic lessons derived from fieldwork in seven locations: Afghanistan, Bosnia, Central America, Indonesia, Russia, Sierra Leone, and Serbia. The article ends with a plea for further research by the academic community on the subject.     

The Characteristics and Problems in China’s Humanitarian Aid to Foreign Countries

By collating the systematic development of China’s foreign aid, and analyzing its characteristics in terms of assistance principles, determination of scale, management mechanisms and aid modalities, this paper explores the problems and corresponding solutions.     

哥本哈根世界气候大会:巴西的谈判地位、利益诉求及谈判策略

巴西在联合国气候变化谈判中采取了积极的应对政策,发布了"应对气候变化的国家计划".提出了减排目标.巴西拥有世界最大的天然碳汇--亚马孙森林面积的2/3,可再生能源占能源消费的比重大大高于世界平均水平,使巴西在世界气候变化谈判中占有举足轻重的地位.在全球气候变化谈判中,巴西不仅与发展中国家结盟,而且与法国等发达国家采取共同立场,力图使自己掌握全球气候变化谈判的话语权,争取获得国际援助.由于各国在减排责任及援助等问题上的立场差距较大,哥本哈根世界气候大会难以达成有约束性的减排协定.