南非加入金砖国家合作机制的背景、影响与前景

南非祖马政府出于发展经济、推动对非议程、参与全球治理等因素的考虑,多次表示希望加入由巴西、俄罗斯、印度和中国4个发展中大国组成的“金砖四国”（BRIC）组织。南非加入金砖国家合作机制,对于南非加强与其他金砖国家的经贸合作,推进金砖国家对非关系,深化金砖国家合作机制等,具有一定的意义。鉴于南非与其他金砖国家的合作存在较强的基础,且符合南非国家利益的需求,南非与其他金砖国家的关系有望获得持续深入发展。     

金砖国家数字经济合作现状与前景北大核心

在全球政治与经济发展复杂多变的今天,金砖国家数字经济发展势头较好,大数据、云计算、物联网、人工智能等新兴技术领域持续保持发展活力,"新零售""新制造"等也在不断改变人们的生活日常,并逐渐影响着人类社会治理领域一系列的价值观念。金砖国家通过不断完善合作机制,促进数字经济创新发展,取得的进步有目共睹,数字金砖已成为带动世界经济增长、推动全球经济治理体系变革的重要力量。鉴于数字经济发展本身特有的规律特点,金砖国家在深度合作方面也面临现实挑战,特别是有必要重新认识技术突破国界带来的国家安全风险问题以及数字巨头权力过度扩张对国际格局带来的影响等。在今后合作路径方面,金砖国家间可通过开展功能性合作,不断磨合彼此的差异和分歧,共同探寻数字利益增长空间,携手开启和合共生、命运与共的数字经济新未来。     

金砖国家合作机制的转型

金砖国家合作机制目前正经历从一个"侧重经济治理、务虚为主"的"对话论坛"向"政治与经济治理并重、务虚和务实相结合"的"全方位协调机制"转型。金砖国家开发银行和外汇储备库的建设对推动金砖合作机制的转型具有重要意义,但也导致一定程度上"金砖威胁论"的兴起。本文在阐述金砖国家合作机制转型的基础上,从金砖国家在G20和全球治理体系中的作用,以及金砖国家推动国际金融体系改革的案例实践出发,提出金砖国家合作的基本定位是"内谋发展、外促改革",旨在推动当前的全球治理体系进行"包容式改进",而非对抗发达国家或推翻全球治理体系。     

浅析中印参与“金砖国家”合作机制的动因

在中印多边外交的发展和实践过程中,两国逐渐在金砖国家合作机制内找到了利益交汇点。因此,中印两国都在积极参与金砖国家合作机制。中国希望通过金砖国家合作机制加强与其他发展中国家之间的联系、推动人民币国际化进程以及提升与其他金砖国家之间的双边关系;印度希望通过金砖国家合作机制促进本国经济发展、为印度争取成为安理会常任理事国创造新的条件,并推动世界多极化进程。     

金砖国家参与全球气候治理的动因及合作机制分析

金砖国家建立的初衷是为了崛起中的新兴经济体参与全球经济治理,应对金融危机;但随着各成员国参与全球气候治理的意愿不断增强,金砖国家在气候治理中的角色及其逐渐形成的合作机制开始引人注目。此外,气候问题与各国经济及能源领域的密切关联也使气候合作得以成为金砖各国深化合作的重要动力。本文将根据金砖国家各自的经济发展和能源消耗状况等客观因素,具体分析它们参与全球气候治理的动因和具体政策,并在此基础上探讨其气候合作机制的构建及影响。     

中国与金砖国家贸易互补性研究

近年来,作为新兴工业化国家代表的金砖国家(包括中国、巴西、印度、俄罗斯和南非)的经济发展引人瞩目,在世界经济发展中的地位越来越重要。金砖国家合作机制对金砖各国对外经济贸易的发展意义重大。本文从货物贸易和服务贸易两个方面,对中国与金砖国家之间的贸易互补性进行了分析。结果表明,中国与金砖国家货物贸易互补性较强,在资本密集型产业和人力资本密集型产业上具有竞争优势;中国与金砖国家的服务贸易互补性也较强,但是和货物贸易相比较弱。基于此,中国应积极倡导成立金砖国家自由贸易区,促进相互贸易的发展。     

金砖国家德班峰会

2013年3月26—27日,金砖国家第五届峰会在南非海滨城市德班召开,峰会主题为"金砖国家与非洲:致力于发展、一体化和工业化的伙伴关系"。与以往峰会相比,本次峰会突出务实合作和外向合作,或成为金砖国家机制化建设的分水岭。一、会议背景与以往金砖峰会相比,德班峰会召开的国际经济背景较为特殊:一方面,世界经济复苏势头脆弱,金砖国家增速也出现不同程度下滑;另一方面,国际金融改革步伐明显减慢,发达经济体与新兴经济     

金砖国家能源合作的问题与路径

金砖国家在供应和需求两方面都是影响全球能源市场重要力量,具有大致相同的能源利益与诉求,面临共同的压力与挑战,迫切需要提升多边能源合作的广度和深度。金砖国家加强多边能源合作,可以优势互补,作为一个整体推动国际能源新秩序的构建。金砖国家在能源问题上也面临许多矛盾,甚至存在冲突,其能源合作应该坚持制度化与包容性原则,建立能源协调机制,强化在能源金融、能源技术交流、能源安全机制等方面的合作,并提高参与全球能源治理的能力。     

国际金融安全治理中的金砖路径

随着世界经济发展格局与国际政治权力结构之间的错位日益严重,在"新兴国家"的共同身份与追求金融安全保障的共同利益的双重基础上,金砖机制以国家组合的形式积极参与国际金融安全治理,向当前西方主导的金融安全治理格局发起了强有力的冲击。在全球层次,金砖国家以二十国集团、国际货币基金组织等国际多边组织机构为框架参与国际金融安全治理并谋求更高的权力地位;在区域层次,金砖国家成立了金砖国家新开发银行、构建金砖外汇储备库等新的金融机构和金融机制以深化成员国内部的金融安全合作;在双边层次,金砖国家通过本币互换等形式提升货币安全。金砖国家金融安全治理合作的顺利开展,需要一个更有效的国际机制作为保障。然而,金砖机制中存在着成员特质差异、政治嫌隙明显、议题实施艰难、国际风险巨大等诸多障碍,使其在内部难以避免制度性缺陷,在外部难以保障金融安全,这就需要金砖国家采取更加积极的作为加以克服。作为金砖机制的主导国,中国一方面在经济外交新发展的历史阶段,需要借助金砖平台以展示实力、阐明诉求;另一方面,中国也能为构建治理水平更高的金砖金融机制做出贡献。     

印度参与金砖国家合作机制的动力、阻力及前景

自2009年成立以来,金砖国家合作机制整体发展顺利,在和衷共济维护世界和平与安宁、以合作发展共同应对风险和挑战、以开拓创新激发合作潜能和活力等方面作用显著。其中,印度既是金砖机制创始成员国,又积极参加美日印澳“四边安全对话”机制,其对于金砖机制的政策取向事关金砖国家合作未来。从整体上看,印度政府对于金砖机制态度积极,重视程度持续提升,故而努力参与引领和塑造金砖机制合作议程,同意金砖机制扩员,推动从金砖五国升级为金砖十一国。印度上述政策源于多重利益诉求：推动国际秩序多极化,提升印度的全球话语权;维持大国战略平衡,确保印度始终能够多方得利;确保印度的能源资源供应安全等。但也要看到,金砖国家未来深入开展合作始终面临印度方面的制约与掣肘,若处理不好将对该机制未来发展产生较严重负面影响。例如,印度坚持狭隘的国家安全观、担心影响对美关系等始终制约着金砖国家合作。因此,印度未来对金砖机制的态度存在变数。     

金砖国家经贸安全合作:挑战与对策

新兴经济体的崛起导致国际格局发生重大变化,全球治理体系却未很好地反映这种变化趋势,以金砖国家为首的新兴变革力量开始登上国际安全治理的舞台。然而,贸易保护主义抬头和逆全球化的盛行使金砖国家内部的贸易势头减弱;美联储加息、投资干预政策以及政局动荡和经济疲弱等因素使金砖国家面临外国直接投资净流入减少的压力;大宗商品价格剧烈波动给金砖国家能源安全合作带来困扰;金融安全合作进展缓慢。基于此,金砖国家应继续深化各领域的改革,加快经济结构的调整,为金砖国家的安全合作夯实基础;加快相互之间的发展战略对接,以提升金砖国家的安全合作水平;通过加强沟通与协调,积极参与全球治理,丰富金砖国家安全合作的内涵。     

China's expanding influence in Africa: projection,perception and prospects in Southern African countries

China's multi-faceted endeavour to expand its influence in Africa has attracted worldwide scholarly and media attention. This article examines the different moments of China's soft power endeavour, from projection through its state media to representation and lived experiences in South Africa and Zimbabwe, two African countries which receive a significant level of attention in China's policymaking. Through interdisciplinary methodologies such as content analysis, online questionnaires and in-depth interviews conducted in China, South Africa and Zimbabwe, the authors found that China's state-engineered soft power initiatives have resulted in partial success in the two countries. The conclusions indicate that China faces many challenges in fully accomplishing its intended goal. The findings provide new insight into China's political impact in Africa within the context of Beijing's growing influence on Africa's political and economic future.     

日本与东盟科技合作研究

日本既是当今世界第二大经济大国,也是一个科技强国。由于人口众多、国土狭小、资源匮乏,长期以来日本走的是一条面向全球发展经济的道路。加上日本地理上邻近东南亚,相互往来历史悠久,双方在社会、政治、经济和文化等领域保持着密切的关系,因而战后日本一直十分重视对东南亚地区的市场开拓。早在1977年,日本首相福田纠夫在首届日本—东盟首脑会议结束后,就提出了要与东盟发展“对等的伙伴关系”和“心心相印的信任关系”。以此为契机,日本在经济、社会和文化等众多领域与东盟进行合作并提供了大量的政府开发援助(ODA)①,并且随着其产业技…     

Mining codes in Africa: emergence of a ‘fourth’ generation?

A burgeoning interest among academics, policy-makers and civil society groups has developed concerning Africa's extractive sector and particularly its mining codes, which are now at the centre of a wider policy debate over natural resource governance and economic development on the continent. This article reviews the evolution of Africa's regulatory codes in the mining sector, which has undergone what Bonnie Campbell describes as ‘three generations’ of liberalization since the 1980s. We also highlight new voluntary, regional and transnational initiatives, driven by a host of heterogeneous actors from Africa and abroad, which constitute a ‘fourth’ generation of mining codes and natural resource governance practices that place primary emphasis on transparency and accountability by both mining companies and host governments. This new generation of natural resource governance initiatives presents new opportunities as well as unique challenges, particularly with the growing role of emerging economies such as the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa). We conclude by assessing future trends and policy challenges in Africa's extractive sector governance.     

The rise of “diminished multilateralism”: East Asian and European forum shopping in global governance

The article argues that the “principled multilateralism” of the immediate post-Cold War period is increasingly giving way to what may be called a “diminished multilateralism.” Newly emerging global and regional powers such as the BRICS states (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) and other rising powers in the Global South are increasingly questioning the legitimacy of the existing international architecture which they regard as a vehicle of the USA and Western countries to conserve their international influence in an era of rapid change. In the process, international institutions have increasingly become arenas of power rivalries which take the form of contests over access and membership, decision-making rules and normative order. The result is an increasing paralysis of these institutions and their inability to solve global problems. One aspect of these institutional power struggles is “forum shopping.” The article shows that East Asia and Europe have both become active players in forum shopping. Three conditions facilitated forum shopping: major crises and external shocks; sentiments of frustrated entitlement in connection with exclusive and discriminatory international institutions, and extra- and intra-regional power shifts.     

新南非的包容性发展之路——非国大100周年纪念

南非曾经是种族矛盾和冲突最为严重的国家,300多年欧洲殖民者的征服和统治,造成了南非种族间政治、经济、社会的割裂与对抗。1994年南非废除种族隔离,建立了种族平等的民主制度。新南非政治社会变革和转型的进程,避免了很多人担忧的种族仇杀和动乱,关键在于坚持了包容性理念和政策,构建了以宪法为核心的一整套法律体系,以保障国家统一和公民基本权利为基本宗旨,在多元一体国家的建设中,取得了举世公认的社会进步。研究南非在新制度下的包容性发展之路,具有重要的现实意义和理论意义。     

Science and technology in the South Atlantic: minding the gaps

The notion of a geopolitical system known as the South Atlantic is severely tested when it comes to science and technology (S&T), especially given the enormous disparities between (and sometimes within) countries of the region. The essay attempts to characterise the S&T policy pursuits of these countries by dividing them into the most advanced (Brazil and South Africa) versus the poorer remainder, and identifying the most powerful drivers for S&T investment for each group. The practical needs of social and economic development for the latter group are self‐evident. Rather more subtle are the multifaceted initiatives of the two more developed countries, with drivers ranging from prestige and national security to economic competitiveness and growth. The increasing complexity of policy making in Brazil and South Africa is driving analysis of their behaviour more towards the model of the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development countries. A major restraint on better research is the parlous state of data on research and development in all of the countries of the region; finding a remedy for that weakness would not only benefit policy researchers but also the policy makers themselves, who lack adequate feedback mechanisms for their investment paths in S&T.     

A. Johnstone,Dilemmas of Internationalism: The American Association for the United Nations and US Foreign Policy, 1941–1948

Middle Powers are generally understood to perform diplomatic functions of constructive engagement and consensus-building to facilitate agreement in international negotiations. Middle Powers may, however, adopt more confrontational roles, especially when their accommodative functions become deficient. Whilst theoretical perspectives on Middle Powers account for such roles, limited empirical evidence has been provided to explore the conditions under which they revert to combative diplomacy. This article contributes to this area by examining the role of South Africa in the 2003 Cancun Ministerial Conference of the World Trade Organisation. During this period, South Africa shifted to a more confrontational approach epitomised by the heightening of its public diplomacy against developed countries and its co-leadership of the G-20 coalition of developing countries. The Cancun Ministerial collapse reflected both the possibilities and limitations of combative diplomacy as South Africa enhanced its international prestige but failed to extract any meaningful concessions, whilst triggering the threat of diplomatic retaliation by the major trading powers.