威尔逊主义外交政策理念及影响

威尔逊对集体安全观的青睐以及威尔逊主义中浸透的理想主义精神, 深深影响着当 代国际关系的理论与实践。威尔逊时代是美国外交史上的一个重要时期。“理想主义”外交虽然 不是肇始于威尔逊, 但威尔逊在美国外交处于重大转变时期把这种方式发展到一个新的阶段, 自此 以后也就成为美国问鼎世界时所持有的一种思想观念。威尔逊主义对美国的外交理念及美国外交 的历史演变, 都有重要的影响。     

马克·吐温《傻瓜威尔逊》评析

马克·吐温后期作品《傻瓜威尔逊》启示我们:作家道德良知和社会责任感从来对写作本 身具有深刻影响, 它有助于思想主题的深入开掘, 赋予人物形象和氛围情态以血肉, 闪烁着超越特 定社会生活一般思想水准的理想光耀, 因而其作品价值也不会因时过境迁而黯淡     

马克·吐温《傻瓜威尔逊》评析

马克·吐温后期作品《傻瓜威尔逊》启示我们:作家道德良知和社会责任感从来对写作本 身具有深刻影响, 它有助于思想主题的深入开掘, 赋予人物形象和氛围情态以血肉, 闪烁着超越特 定社会生活一般思想水准的理想光耀, 因而其作品价值也不会因时过境迁而黯淡。     

比较史学视野下的列宁与威尔逊的"民族自决权"思想

无产阶级的伟大导师列宁和美国前总统威尔逊20世纪初在继承前人思想并结合当时国际和国内政治需要的基础上,相继阐发了自己对"民族自决权"的理解,形成了各自的"民族自决权"思想.他们的思想顺应了世界民族民主运动的历史潮流,在内涵的阐释及对世界的影响方面有相似之处;但由于阶级利益和意识形态的差异导致了目的、视角和结果的迥异.     

不可抗拒的历史潮流

本書除序言“新紀元”和結束語“殖民主义时代的沒落”外,共分七章,主要論述了殖民体系危机是資本主义总危机的一个組成部分,帝国主义对殖民地日益加剧的压迫和剝削;在帝国主义的这种殘酷剝削和掠夺下,目前殖民地和不發     

新殖民主义的形式和实质

第二次世界大战以后,帝国主义采用了一些新的方式来推行殖民主义。这种殖民主义一般称之为新殖民主义。新殖民主义是在民族解放运动势不可当、帝国主义矛盾日益尖銳的形势下逐漸形成的。     

互利共赢:中非关系的本质属性——兼批"中国在非洲搞新殖民主义"论调

2006年,在新中国开启对非洲外交关系50周年之际,我国高层领导人先后友好访问了非洲十国,并高屋建瓴地把中非关系概括为"好朋友、好伙伴、好兄弟",在宣示新中国对非洲友好政策主张的同时,还强有力地批驳了西方有关"中国在非洲搞新殖民主义"的奇谈怪论.笔者认为,殖民主义以系统的理论为基础,它和资本主义相辅相成,互为手段.新殖民主义和老殖民主义在本质属性上具有共性特点,西方政要的谬论在于其割裂了二者的内在联系性,同时也暴露了他们对中国和平外交政策的无知和无视.对长期饱受殖民掠夺的非洲国家而言,中国不附带任何政治条件的援助,对于巩固非洲国家的民族独立和自决是及时之助,这是一个社会主义国家对非洲民族主义的"馈赠",抑或说是一种理性的政治投资,是国际共产主义兄弟友谊的重要表现.中非关系是以平等互利为特点的新型国际关系的具体体现.     

中国对非战略:成功与挑战

新时期的中非关系在"中非合作论坛"机制的推进下健康发展,也面临诸多挑战,别是来自西方大国的挑战.西方大国在诬指中国对非搞"新殖民主义"的同时,紧对非战略调整.正视竞争、立足共赢、理性应对西方的挑战成为新时期中国对非战略的重要任务.     

马来亚民族解放同盟关于新加坡从"马来西亚"分裂出来的声明

以下是声明的全文:(1)自从新殖民主义的"马来西亚"成立以来,英帝国主义者及其代理人的处境非常困难.我国各族人民为了粉碎"马来西亚"和实现马来亚(包括新加坡)的真正独立而发动了广泛的斗争.同样地,北加里曼丹人民争取民族解放的运动也迅速地发展起来,而印度尼西亚人民也对新殖民主义的"Nakatsua"坚持他们的对抗,阿卜杜勒·拉赫曼和李光耀集团已在亚非国家中被     

“东方主义”的另一种解读——艺术的东方主义

爱德华.W.萨义德(Edward.w.Said)于20世纪末阐发的东方主义理论作为后殖民主义文化批评理论之一引发了东西方学者的共鸣,因而风靡世界。在这一理论热潮的背景下,不免会出现套用或者误用的嫌疑,生搬硬套地阐释某一具体文本或作家的现象;或者出现以偏概全,完全被东方主义理论而障目,不见更丰富的文本含义等现象。为此,有必要阐明萨义德东方主义理论的缘起,从而明确"东方主义"理论具体的使用语境;通过对西方唯美主义思潮中表现出来的"日本风"等文学文化现象的解析,从另一个角度来阐释"东方主义"的丰富内涵;对唯美主义者追求的东方艺术与萨义德的东方主义理论进行比较研究,从而为同行们提供一个新的视角来理解唯美主义乃至东方主义。     

Reparations in the Long Run

This paper explores how policy-makers during the Second World War attempted to “learn the lessons” of history from the reparations settlement imposed after the First World War. It shows how these lessons were developed and articulated in the formulation of, in particular, American foreign policy, and also their consequences for foreign policy during and after the Second World War. The paper demonstrates the important role of European advisors in shaping American policy, thereby illustrating that not all American lessons of history were born in the USA. It also draws out how many of these lessons have found an echo in the historiography of German reparations that has emerged over the past fifty years. In both periods the issues of enforcement and compliance, the issues that concern us generally in this volume, dominated the debate between advisors and policy-makers.     

American diplomatic realism: A tradition practised and preached by George F. Kennan

George F. Kennan's work remains pertinent to the contemporary debate over American foreign policy in which voices calling for a realistic conduct of American diplomacy have been faint. Kennan's thought contains a framework that can be used to examine critically the drift in American diplomacy from the realist assumptions held by the American Founding Fathers towards the liberal or Wilsonian school of international relations. Wilsonianism has seized the world view of contemporary American diplomats and statesmen, particularly during the Clinton administration. Kennan's analysis provides a salutary word in the debate over the course of post-Cold War American foreign policy that takes Wilsonian assumptions for granted.     

American diplomatic realism: A tradition practised and preached by George F. Kennan

George F. Kennan's work remains pertinent to the contemporary debate over American foreign policy in which voices calling for a realistic conduct of American diplomacy have been faint. Kennan's thought contains a framework that can be used to examine critically the drift in American diplomacy from the realist assumptions held by the American Founding Fathers towards the liberal or Wilsonian school of international relations. Wilsonianism has seized the world view of contemporary American diplomats and statesmen, particularly during the Clinton administration. Kennan's analysis provides a salutary word in the debate over the course of post‐Cold War American foreign policy that takes Wilsonian assumptions for granted.     

Reparations in the Long Run

This paper explores how policy-makers during the Second World War attempted to “learn the lessons” of history from the reparations settlement imposed after the First World War. It shows how these lessons were developed and articulated in the formulation of, in particular, American foreign policy, and also their consequences for foreign policy during and after the Second World War. The paper demonstrates the important role of European advisors in shaping American policy, thereby illustrating that not all American lessons of history were born in the USA. It also draws out how many of these lessons have found an echo in the historiography of German reparations that has emerged over the past fifty years. In both periods the issues of enforcement and compliance, the issues that concern us generally in this volume, dominated the debate between advisors and policy-makers.     

Shielding the Republic: Barack Obama and the Jeffersonian Tradition of American Foreign Policy

President Barack Obama’s foreign policy has confounded critics from both the left and right in American politics. This analysis argues that this is because Obama’s foreign policy exhibits affinities with the least prominent of the four traditions of American foreign policy identified by Walter Russell Mead: the Jeffersonian tradition. In contrast to the more prominent Wilsonian and Hamiltonian traditions, the Jeffersonian tradition exhibits more introverted tendencies that seek to perfect and protect rather than export the virtues of the Republic. The Jeffersonian understanding of foreign policy is, in Walter Lippman’s phrase, primarily the “shield of the republic.” This analysis tracks the influence and implications of this perspective through examination of the Obama Administration’s approach to two prominent foreign policy challenges after 2008: intervention in Libya and the ongoing Syrian crisis.     

The Redirection of US Foreign Strategy against the Background of Globalization

American foreign strategy has had strong continuity since World War Ⅱ despite differences among successive presidents.Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign revealed ideas and goals for US strategy and strategy adjustment that differ significantly from those of predecessors.The decline in relative gains and rise in cost for US involvement in globalization are reasons for Trump to redirect US foreign strategy.The relative decrease of both US trade and foreign direct investment in the US,amid security threats and the identity crisis of the American people,has tremendously increased the pricetag for US involvement in globalization.     

Herbert Hoover,Anglo–American Relations and Republican Party Politics in the 1920s

Herbert Hoover is often portrayed as a business-centric relatively non-political historical figure. In particular during his time as Commerce Secretary in the administrations of Warren Harding and Calvin Coolidge, Hoover is often described as supporting a United States foreign policy that first and foremost served the needs of American corporations. This article attempts to recalibrate that picture by stressing Hoover’s political self-interest as a motivating factor in his policies. Far from being politically unconcerned, Hoover was a man desperate to become president of the United States. His disastrous campaign for the Republican nomination in 1920 made him doubly determined to use his power in the Republican cabinets to improve his chances for the nomination later. This can be seen in one of the most famous of Hoover’s foreign policy interventions, the Anglo-American rubber crisis. Far from serving the needs of American business, during this crisis Hoover was acting mostly from political self-interest. In particular attacking the British allowed him to reframe his image, which was seen as Anglophiliac in 1920. In the end it was a very successful rebranding, as Hoover was able to run for the presidency in 1928 from a position of strength when it came to foreign affairs.     

American and foreign terrorists: an analysis of divergent portrayals in US newspaper coverage

American news coverage of terrorist activity consistently portrays the attacker as abnormal, but the mechanics of this othering process are entirely dependent on the nationality of the attacker in question. Coverage of domestic terrorism stresses the attacker’s personal instability and contrasts the perpetrator with his or her victims, painting the terrorist as an anomaly in American society. Foreign attackers, with whom journalists more frequently apply the terrorist label, are othered in US news media through heavy emphasis on their association with distant groups and conflicts. To explore how framing techniques differ throughout coverage of domestic and foreign terrorists, two separate corpora of articles from popular American newspapers were systematically compiled. One corpus contained articles about American attackers, while the other contained articles about foreign terrorists. The corpora were processed using both corpus linguistics software and a comparative analysis of texts. Exploring the American media’s framing choices illuminates how popular biases and perceptions of terrorist violence came to be; framing theory asserts that communicating entities inevitably shape the story they relay, influencing the reactions of those who experience the event second-hand. Not only does news coverage use distinct framing patterns for American and foreign perpetrators, but those patterns foster a populace that conceptualises American and foreign terrorists differently.     

A. Adamishin and R. Schifter,Human Rights,Perestroika, and the End of the Cold War

The international community's March 2011 military intervention in Libya contrasts sharply to its reluctance during the preceding forty years to halt the Qadhafi regime's sponsorship of transnational terrorism and pursuit of WMD. American diplomacy, eventually supported by international sanctions, was a four decade effort to end Qadhafi's violent foreign policy. This commentary discusses how diplomacy and the American judicial process combined to achieve this successful outcome. Diplomatic and legislative efforts to compel Libya's payment to terrorism victims helped create judicial remedies enforceable in US Courts and ultimately, a bilateral claims settlement agreement that, while disappointing to the terrorism litigants, normalized relations between the Libya and the United States.     

“Good Deeds Aren’t Enough”: Point Four in Iran, 1949–1953

Iran enjoyed some of the earliest fruits and efforts of the Point Four programme, an initiative borne out of President Harry Truman’s 1949 inaugural address. Over the last decade, a robust literature on development theory and American foreign policy has emerged. That research reveals complex motivations and agendas. Point Four in Iran, specifically, offers a discrete, early picture of America’s broader effort to utilise technical assistance to elevate poor peoples’ standards of living and inoculate poor states from communist appeals. It is one of the landmark programmes during this genesis period. The Iranian government was amongst the first that the State Department approached to establish technical aid under this initiative, and, indeed, American aid to Iran continued into the 1970s. By mid-1953, however, larger and more direct aid absorbed this specific assistance and development effort to bolster the shah’s government, which gained secure power after an American Central Intelligence Agency and British intelligence—MI6—backed coup that same year. Scholars have argued that Truman’s foreign aid innovations reshaped United States foreign policy. The Point Four programme in Iran, however, also reveals the limits of that revolution.