The Calculus of Nation in the Cuban Revolution

The history of Cuba was imbued with a sense of purpose at its inception. To have discerned the need at all for a history of Cuba in the nineteenth century was itself product and portent of a momentous shift in consciousness, an occasion when narratives of the past revealed themselves as a potential source of national community. The history of Cuba began at the moment that the past became relevant to the future. Historical narrative developed as a matter of necessity, a product of a time and place, a means by which Cubans addressed the needs of their times. Purpose and point of view were inscribed into the very premise of the historical narrative, and indeed fixed the narrative genre around which the history of Cuba was structured. The historical narrative in this instance contained a premonition of nation which shared something with the new collective consciousness to which it contributed. Historical consciousness was itself a product of national formation, to which it responded and for which it was summoned: the proposition of a shared awareness of a common past with which to bring a people together and justify a nation apart.     

古巴—美国关系50年四题

古巴革命是美国与古巴双边关系历史的重要转折点,美国对古巴革命及其后续发展的反应和政策则是冷战环境中美国战略思想的典型表露.全球冷战终结并没有改变古美之间的冷战式关系,凸显了美国政策的单边主义性质、意识形态色彩和国内政治主导倾向.     

“Between Two Communities So Diverse”: Confrontation and Collaboration in Cuba, 1898–1902

In 1898, the United States government took possession of Cuba. Rather than annexation, the William McKinley Administration chose to create a new nation-state. Cuba’s fate therefore was unlike that of the Philippines, waiting until after the Second World War for independence. It leads to a question: when it came to Cuba, why the choice of creating a nation rather than annexation? The short answer is that the Cubans would have resisted annexation by force. The longer—and more interesting—answer is that annexation became unnecessary: Over time, Cuba’s nationalist elite proved willing to co-operate with American interests, and McKinley’s Administration left Cuba in nationalist hands, provided those hands were bound by the Platt Amendment. Historians have argued that Cuban nationalists co-operated because of coercion. Whilst true, Cuba’s nationalists also saw value in a relationship with the United States. Therefore, Cuba’s new leaders resisted American demands in ways not only to preserve the good opinion of Washington, but to prove themselves capable of civilised self-government.     

Just How Special is “Special”: Britain,Cuba, and US Relations 1958–2008 an Overview

In June 2008, despite intense lobbying from the Bush administration, the Council of Ministers of the European Union lifted the diplomatic sanctions on Havana that it had imposed in 2003 and agreed to resume a “comprehensive political dialogue” with the revolutionary regime. Instrumental in this decision was a change in policy by the UK that had hitherto stood against such a normalisation of relations. The move came as a surprise to many who had anticipated that the British would oppose the lifting of sanctions in deference to their “special relationship” with their transatlantic ally. However, as this overview suggests, the UK decision was not unusual. Even from the earliest days of the revolution, the UK has differed with the US over Cuba. By surveying the five decades of the UK–Cuba relationship since 1959 the article explains how the UK has maintained an ambivalent attitude towards Washington's embargo. While recognising US primacy of interest in Cuba, London has consistently attempted to follow an independent policy that at times has come between the close allies. It concludes that although the UK (along with other European partners and Canada) shares the US goal of seeing the end of Communism on the island, it has ironically helped to thwart this ambition. The history of the relationship provides an example of the limitations of unilateral economic sanctions as policy instruments. The failure of the US embargo to affect the behaviour of the Castro regime should be no surprise when Washington's closest ally has never fully agreed to it.     

The Confluence of Domestic and International Interests: U.S. Policy Toward Cuba, 1998–2001

This article examines the confluence of forces at work to shape U.S. policy toward Cuba since the late 1990s. Our approach examines four key factors involved in policymaking toward Cuba in this period: (1) the entry of new interest groups into the Cuba policy process and an "entrepreneurial" Congress; (2) the executive's constitutionally based interests; (3) bureaucratic interests; and (4) pressure from outside the United States. We examine U.S.–Cuba policy by describing each determinant in isolation and then by looking at the dynamic interaction among them, showing how they are linked together. In doing so, we argue that an analysis including multiple factors better explains U.S. policy toward Cuba than one that focuses on a single factor such as the power of the Cuban-American community.     

“一带一路”倡议下中国与大加勒比地区的合作

中国与拉丁美洲关系源远流长,尤其是与加勒比国家。自1949年中华人民共和国成立以来,与大加勒比地区的政治、经济、文化关系日益密切。第一个与新中国建立外交关系的拉美国家是古巴,而巴拿马、萨尔瓦多与多米尼加则成为中国最新建交国成员。经过了70年发展历程,双边关系新纪元正在开启,特别是在“一带一路”倡议下。基于正在逐步兴起的“优势共享”理念,这个新时代亦开创了一个前所未有的新合作模式。中国与大加勒比地区关系发展所取得的经验能够展现一个新的协同合作方式。本文立足于大加勒比各经济体在同中国构建相互融合模式中发掘的机遇,并着眼于两个具体案例:“一带一路”倡议下的古巴和多米尼加,并以“双赢”原则为基础,对在特定领域深化同中国的关系提出建议,主要包括交通、电信、工业、贸易、能源、旅游、建筑业、金融、卫生和教育等领域。     

古巴的思想政治工作

一、卓有成效的思想政治工作 自1959年古巴革命胜利以后，美国对古巴采取敌视政策，从经济封锁、贸易禁运、政治孤立、军事入侵与威胁到意识形态渗透、和平演变，采取了一切可能的手段和利用各种机会对古巴进行打压，以颠覆古巴政权和社会主义。1960年美国开始对古巴实行全面禁运，1961年同古巴断交并支持古巴流亡分子1000多人从猪湾入侵古巴。1962年，美国利用古巴导弹危机武装封锁古巴。     

Russo–Cuban Relations in the 1990s

This analysis re-examines Russo–Cuban relations in the period in which Boris Yeltsin was Russian President using previously unseen documents housed in the Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores de Cuba [MINREX] archive in Havana. A number of conclusions offer themselves including that the relationship remained key for Havana throughout the 1990s, despite a Cuban ideological aversion to the Russian reforms of the early to mid-decade and the subsequent “new realities” of Russo–Cuban relations. Cuba desired a relationship that preserved a number of features of Soviet–Cuban relations, which MINREX officials strove to achieve by purposefully creating a political legacy from the Soviet era, whilst also specifically lobbying members of the Russian political elite who had sympathies with the Soviet period. This development has resonance for contemporary Russo–Cuban relations that are at their most robust politically since 1991. Consequently, the Soviet legacy remains both much greater than previously thought and deliberately created by Cuba.     

古巴社会主义经济建设与发展

1959年古巴革命胜利后,逐步建立了社会主义经济体制.到苏东剧变前的30年间,在面对美国封锁的不利条件下,古巴的社会主义经济建设仍然获得了发展,取得了一些难能可贵的成就.20世纪90年代初苏东剧变后,古巴陷入极端困难的境地,进入"和平时期的特殊阶段".1994年以来,古巴经济状况逐步好转,已经走出苏东剧变导致的极端困难时期.经过50年的经济建设,古巴从中央集权计划经济逐渐转变为古巴特色的社会主艾经济,经济和外贸结构也从单一向多元化方向发展.     

Strategic Interaction in the 1994 and Earlier Cuban Refugee Crises

The 1994 Cuban refugee crisis is modeled as a prisoners' dilemma game for Cuba and the United States. A threat power version of the theory of moves yields a cooperative outcome in the game, sustained by mutual threats that deter defections by each player, which is consistent with moves made by the players. After the countries implemented deterrent threats, they agreed that Cuba would patrol its borders and the United States would admit 20,000 Cubans each year. We show that the analysis, suitably adapted, also illuminates strategic choices in the 1965 and 1980 Cuban refugee crises.     

The Cuban Missile Crisis after Sixty Years

The sixtieth anniversary of the Cuban missile crisis is an appropriate time to review the events—arguably the closest the world has come to nuclear war—from the perspective of 2022. Growing tensions between Moscow and Washington and increasing Cuba emphasis in US domestic politics preceded the confrontation. Analysts differ on motives for placing long-range missiles in Cuba; Soviet officials consistently emphasized the defense of the island. We know now that nuclear war was even closer than realized at the time. This article is a revision of one that appeared in the Winter 2013 issue.     

Political Parties and Democratic Consolidation in Africa

With the collapse of the Soviet bloc it was widely assumed that Cuba would be the next domino to fall. But now over ten years has passed since the demise of communism and the Castro regime is still in power with no signs of capitulation. However most analysts of contemporary Cuba still assume it is only a matter of time before the island succumbs to the forces of the market and the politics of liberal democracy. Indeed, for the regime to have resisted for so long is seen as illogical and counterproductive. Contrary to such mainstream views, this article argues that the encouragement of popular involvement in the revolution, especially through the mechanism of participation, has given the regime hidden strengths which may not only have secured its survival under extreme duress but could also offer a route through which it might emerge from the crisis. In this context the most important issue at stake in Cuba is not how quickly it can integrate with the global market or how long it can hang on to the remnants of Soviet‐style central planning, but rather how popular participative democratic practices can be channelled into an alternative development model aimed at satisfying basic needs and promoting selective engagement with the world market on terms decided by a politically engaged population.     

古巴革命以来的对外政策研究

古巴革命胜利后至今,其外交政策可分为两个主要阶段.第一阶段从1959年革命胜利到20世纪80年代末90年代初东欧剧变、苏联解体.在这一时期古巴奉行"无产阶级国际主义",加强与"苏联和其他社会主义国家兄弟般的友谊、帮助与合作,以及拉丁美洲和全世界工人和人民的团结".第二阶段从20世纪80年代末90年代初至今.在这一时期,古巴努力贯彻全方位多边外交政策,力求打破美国封锁和孤立政策,扩大生存空间,改善国际环境.拓展经贸合作.古巴十分重视同中国、越南等社会主义国家的友好关系,积极发展同亚洲和非洲发展中国家之间的关系.在不结盟运动、伊比利亚美洲首脑会议、联合国等国际组织中积极开展多边合作.     

“Brighter Futures, Better Times”: Britain, the Empire, and Anglo-American Economic Competition in Cuba, 1898-1920

This article examines Anglo-American economic competition in Cuba in the crucial twenty years after 1898. Anglo-American economic competition on the new island nation suggest a number of things about the nature of British and American imperialism, the difficult position of smaller countries—and economies—like Cuba, and the “inevitability” of American economic pre-eminence in the evolving twentieth century. And as an important corollary to the British dimension of this question is the role that Canada and Canadian overseas investment played in the extension of Britain's economic power and influence in the wider world.     

“Brighter Futures,Better Times”: Britain,the Empire,and Anglo–American Economic Competition in Cuba, 1898–1920

This article examines Anglo–American economic competition in Cuba in the crucial twenty years after 1898. Anglo–American economic competition on the new island nation suggest a number of things about the nature of British and American imperialism, the difficult position of smaller countries—and economies—like Cuba, and the “inevitability” of American economic pre-eminence in the evolving twentieth century. And as an important corollary to the British dimension of this question is the role that Canada and Canadian overseas investment played in the extension of Britain's economic power and influence in the wider world.     

Unfinished business: the Catholic Church,communism, and democratization

Although history has shown us that the church plays a role in the political liberalization of non-democratic countries, the nature of the church's role and how it participates in politics has yet to be fully revealed. By revisiting the Polish Church's historic role in the collapse of communism, I argue that we have overestimated the church's effect on political liberalization in that case, which has led us to neglect or be prematurely disappointed in its role in the remaining communist countries such as in Cuba. Drawing from the Polish case, I conclude that the church's moral, self-limiting, and transnational character needs to be recognized and incorporated into a general theory of democratization. It is this aspect of the church that has helped it to remain active within remaining communist societies, and provide the moral support that is an integral part of political liberalization processes.     

The Limits of Populist Diplomacy: Fidel Castro's April 1959 Trip to North America

This article asks what lessons about diplomacy can be drawn from Fidel Castro's April 1959 trip to the United States and Canada, a trip long neglected by historians as an aberration in US–Cuban relations because of its apparent public relations success. The trip's meaning, rather, lies in the populist style Castro practiced to circumvent normal protocol, and more importantly in the failure of that populism to sway not only US foreign policy makers but also the US public. Based on comprehensive media and archival research and of interviews in Cuba and the United States, this is the first ever article-length treatment of this diplomatic visit. It helps to understand not only the US–Cuba divide that soon followed Castro's trip but also the limited potential of a populist diplomacy.     

The Foreign Policy Legacy of Barack Obama

Barack Obama finishes his second term with a mixed but positive foreign policy legacy. America’s global standing is much improved from the waning days of the George W. Bush administration eight years ago. Obama’s most notable achievements were the international agreement slowing Iran’s progress toward nuclear weapons capability and diplomatic normalisation with Cuba. On the other side of the ledger were his failure to extricate America from military overextension in the greater Mideast and from the global policing mindset that produced that overextension. Also marring his record was his incoherent response to Syria’s deadly civil war and Libya’s collapse into anarchy following the 2011 international intervention.     

NGOs and Cuba: Opportunity or opportunism?

Reporting on a large gathering of international and Cuban NGOs and other agencies, this article explores the issues faced by Cuban society in undergoing rapid economic change; and examines why the New World Order has not led to any significant involvement with Cuba, either by the inter-governmental agencies or by independent NGOs. It describes the roles of State-sponsored bodies in maintaining the major development gains of the last 30 years; and argues that NGOs which see their role as promoting 'democratisation' must avoid falling into simplistic and inappropriate assumptions about the distinction between the State and 'civil society'.     

古巴医疗体制的评价及其对中国的启示

"财富--健康"的因果关系--这一曾被人们普遍接受的观点现在受到了挑战.作为中低收入国家,古巴的国民健康状况达到了发达国家的水平.20世纪90年代,即使由于美国的封锁而使古巴经济陷于困难时期,古巴在国民健康方面的情况依然如此.古巴之所以取得如此令世界瞩目的成就,主要得益于其医疗体制.古巴如何在社会财富有限的情况下建立起覆盖全民的、公平的医疗体制?如何保证这一医疗体制顺利运行?这种医疗体制对诸如中国这样的发展中国家解决类似的问题有何借鉴意义?本文从医疗供给的配送体系和医疗需求的融资体系的角度,剖析古巴的公立医疗体制,并从效果、效率和公平三个方面进行综合评价,从中得出了对中国的五点启示.