全球安全倡议对全球人权治理的启迪及意义

全球安全倡议是新时代中国关于全球安全治理的核心理念，是推动构建人类命运共同体在安全领域的具体体现。全球安全倡议贯通了人的安全、国家安全和全球安全三个层面的安全关系，强调安全的重点不仅包括国家安全，还包括个人和集体意义上的人民福祉。它超越了传统意义上的军事安全，并向更广泛的非传统安全和发展领域延伸，成为多层面的安全概念。全球安全倡议与联合国宗旨和原则一致，致力于解决国际冲突的根源，认为只有坚持共同、综合、可持续的安全观，消除不平等，才能实现持久的和平与繁荣。中国秉持安全共同体理念，坚持真正的多边主义，倡导国际社会协力应对各种传统和非传统安全挑战，共同推进构建人类命运共同体。     

核安全命运共同体：内涵、时代价值与中国的实践

当今世界正处于百年未有之大变局，习近平主席深刻把握核安全治理赤字、核恐怖主义威胁、各国低碳转型需求以及核安全的战略定位，创造性地提出了核安全命运共同体理念。建设核安全命运共同体的目标是构建公平、合作、共赢的国际核安全体系。理性、协调、并进的核安全观是构建核安全命运共同体的指导原则。强化政治投入、国家责任、国际合作及核安全文化是构建核安全命运共同体的实践路径。核安全命运共同体理念展现了全球治理的中国智慧和中国方案，推进了联合国可持续发展目标与中国式现代化实践，服务于中华民族伟大复兴全局，具有重大时代价值和深远历史意义。中国坚持增强自身核安全能力，参与构建国际核安全体系，推动核安全国际合作，努力消除核恐怖主义和核扩散存在的根源，为推进全球核安全治理作出了重要贡献。     

海洋命运共同体视域下东亚海域污染合作治理策略优化研究

海洋污染合作治理作为公共政策本质上是要解决不同国家或地区之间的利益冲突问题。东亚海域污染情况复杂,合作治理难度大,尽管目前已有东亚海洋协作体、东亚海环境管理伙伴关系计划等合作机制,但成效甚微。"海洋命运共同体"理念的提出,回应了多极化时代背景下全球海洋污染治理格局变化,聚合了海洋污染治理的全球共识,为解析和指导东亚海域污染合作治理问题提供了方法论。深描东亚海域污染各治理主体在合作过程中所采取的策略,揭示其行动逻辑及作用机制,深刻分析存在的问题,阐释东亚海域污染合作治理博弈产生的动因,通过经典博弈模型描述中日、日韩、不同发展程度国家间及不同利益集团间的博弈过程,能够解释东亚海域污染合作治理效果欠佳的症结所在,进而需要在"海洋命运共同体"理念指引下全面优化各治理主体行动策略,面对百年未有之大变局,为完善东亚海域污染合作治理机制提供中国方案。     

新时代中国国际秩序观:认知、政策取向与实现路径

中国参与了现行国际秩序的创建,认同现行国际秩序的价值和作用,同时认为其需要进一步改革创新,这种改革创新随着百年未有之大变局的到来更显迫切。中国是现行国际秩序的受益者,主张维护其合理内核,并针对其欠缺之处和国际形势发展变化进行改革完善,以构建人类命运共同体为国际秩序变革的最终目标。为了更好地维护、推进国际秩序变革,中国坚定维护多边主义,维护《联合国宪章》的宗旨和原则,推动国际关系民主化、法治化、合理化,积极构建以合作共赢为核心的新型国际关系,推动全球治理体系朝着更加公正合理的方向发展,推动"一带一路"建设,构建经济全球化新格局。新时代中国国际秩序观继承和发扬了中国共产党人追求公平正义的思想底色与精神气质,体现了中国的文化特色与历史经验,为全球治理贡献了中国智慧。     

海洋保护区制度与中国海洋安全利益关系辨析

“菲律宾南海仲裁案”之后，中国在南海面临的安全形势相比之前发生了极大转变，如美国、越南等国家均因该案而对其原有立场进行了调整。同时，随着近年来中国远洋活动能力的不断提升，中国的海洋发展利益已经突破领海、专属经济区等近海区域，不断向公海、国际海底区域等国家管辖范围之外的领域延伸，例如积极参与《国家管辖范围以外区域海洋生物多样性问题执行协定》谈判与国际海底区域勘探活动等，因而海洋安全利益的范围亦相应随之拓展。在全球现代海洋安全问题的范畴之内，“新安全观”作为“构建人类命运共同体”理念的有机组成部分，其对中国当前海洋安全形势下的需求具有极强针对性。而在海洋法规则中，海洋保护区制度无论在特征、目标还是功能方面，均与“人类命运共同体”理念具有一定的契合性，该制度适用与否的问题，对中国维护海洋安全利益具有重大战略意义。然而，由于《联合国海洋法公约》将全球海洋划分为多块不同性质的海域，导致该项制度在不同位置所能发挥的积极作用也同样有所区别，所以即便决定选择适用时,亦不能完全一概而论，应当始终坚持在不同时空维度下的灵活运用。     

网络空间命运共同体：核心要义与构建路径

作为全球治理的新兴领域，网络空间面临发展不平衡、规则不健全、秩序不合理等多重挑战。着眼于信息时代下的人类前途命运，习近平总书记倡导携手构建网络空间命运共同体，以“命运共同体”新范式超越“零和博弈”旧模式，为全球网络空间治理体系改革和建设贡献中国智慧和中国方案。践行网络空间命运共同体理念，须坚持发展共同推进、安全共同维护、治理共同参与、成果共同分享，以把网络空间建设成造福全人类的发展、安全、责任和利益共同体。     

构建新型国际关系的理论内涵及时代意义

推动建设相互尊重、公平正义、合作共赢的新型国际关系,是习近平外交思想的重要组成部分。构建新型国际关系具有与时俱进的鲜明特色,蕴含着博大深厚的中华文化智慧,体现了符合历史潮流的人类期盼。国际力量对比发生深刻变化,构建新型国际关系成为应对全球化挑战的现实需要。经济全球化是大势所趋,构建新型国际关系是历史发展的必然要求。新冠肺炎疫情凸显了当前国际体系存在的缺陷,特别是全球治理体系对新形势、新挑战的严重不适应,对建立新型国际关系提出了迫切要求。中国致力于同国际社会一道携手努力,积极推动建设新型国际关系,坚定不移推动构建人类命运共同体。     

“人类命运共同体”思想与新疆域的国际治理

极地、深海、网络、外空是人类生存和可持续发展的全球新疆域,集中体现了人类的共同利益和共同关注。当前新疆域治理面临着治理共识赤字等问题。"人类命运共同体"思想以全人类共同发展为目标,倡导共存、共建、共享等价值理念,其独特优势在于这一思想能够兼容不同的价值理念并兼顾不同群体的利益需求,与新疆域的治理需求高度契合,有利于解决新疆域治理的主要矛盾。国际社会长时期的和平状态以及非国家行为体的影响使得新疆域治理的差异具备可调和性,也要求更大的包容性,这使得以"人类命运共同体"思想引领新疆域的国际治理成为可能。国际合作是在新疆域治理中践行"人类命运共同体"思想的主要路径。作为新疆域国际治理的重要参与者,中国积极倡导在新疆域践行"人类命运共同体"思想,在维护和平价值、支持联合国主导等方面做出了表率。     

全人类共同价值:理论内涵、特征与弘扬路径

全人类共同价值是习近平在马克思主义理论基础上,着眼于全球化发展大势和各国人民共同利益而提出的普遍性价值,其根植于中华优秀传统文化和中国特色社会主义的现实国情,具有承继性、创新性、包容性、时代性、先进性等特征,是对西方“普世价值”的超越。为弘扬全人类共同价值,中国应努力推动构建人类命运共同体和新型国际关系,推动全球治理体系变革和“一带一路”建设,推动文明互鉴。     

中国参与全球治理70年:迈向新形势下的再引领

中国在全球治理中的角色经历了从疏离到参与再到引领的变化。向全球治理提供中国方案,是中国成为全球治理进程中的贡献者和引领者的主要表现。通过向全球治理提供中国方案,中国对全球治理作出了重要贡献。将构建人类命运共同体作为全球治理的指导理念,基于自身国内治理经验提出全球治理的中国方案,寻求全球治理体系的增量改进,借助有利的政治机会推动全球治理体系改革,是中国在参与全球治理过程中获得的成功经验。受逆全球化浪潮影响,特朗普政府采取贸易保护主义和单边主义政策,中国方案以及整个全球治理体系面临挑战。新形势下,中国坚定地立足于构建人类命运共同体的全球治理理念,维护和完善全球治理体系,持续为全球治理贡献中国方案和中国力量。     

Fostering a Security Concept for a New Asia

Though it displays tremendous development vitality and potential, Asia also faces challenges - namely, interwoven new and old security problems, an increase in non-traditional security threats and weak security mechanisms. To address these challenges,     

Bangladesh: where there's a pill there's a way

In exchange for the substantial foreign aid provided to it by the U.S. Agency for International Development, the government of Bangladesh has agreed to accept the Agency's population package. The government has agreed to accept AID-provided contraceptives and has set revolutionary fertility rate targets for the year 1985. To meet the scarcity of contraceptive clinics in rural areas, AID and Population Services International (PSI) have instituted social marketing in Bangladesh. This involves use of commercial distributors, e.g., cigarette dealers and local shopkeepers, for the distribution of condoms and oral contraceptives. The distributors are willing to participate because they make small but significant profits from the arrangement. It is feared that shopkeepers do not have the expertise to screen women who should not be given pills or to give counseling for prospective pill customers. This type of pill distribution could lead to dangers.     

Globalisation as a Problem of Political Analysis: Restoring Agents to a 'Process without a Subject' and Politics to a Logic of Economic Compulsion*

Globalisation, in both the popular and academic vernacular, is presented as a non-negotiable external economic constraint, which must simply be accommodated. Consequently, it is a process whose content, nature and consequences are not amenable--either in practice or in principle--to political, far less democratic, deliberation. It is not at all surprising, then, that the invocation of globalisation should be associated with the logic of economic compulsion and the absence of political choice. This paper argues that the perception of the non-negotiable character of globalisation is both misleading and, at the same time, intimately connected to its depiction as a causal 'process without a subject'. For it is only by failing to specify the mechanisms of complex change, in which agents are necessarily implicated, that generic and agentless processes such as globalisation acquire their necessitarian, non-negotiable and apolitical character. Restoring subjects to the process of globalisation and assessing the extent to which their behaviour is informed by constructions of globalisation are urgent challenges for critical political analysts. They are crucial to the broader task of demystifying globalisation, of holding it open to democratic political scrutiny and, in so doing, of challenging its perceived logic of no alternative. If we are to do this, we must develop an account of globalisation capable of acknowledging and incorporating a dynamic understanding of the relationship between conduct and context, and the material and the ideational. In short, if the character, content and consequences of the process of globalisation are to be held to account, we must first restore agents to this process without a subject and politics to this logic of economic compulsion.     

A market-based solution to a sanitation issue in a marginalised area

Neo-liberal ideology, as an abstract technique of self-governance and population management, is often viewed as tolerant of extreme inequality within a market economy. However, the range of policy proposals that flow from the ideology are not necessarily insensitive to development projects in marginalised areas. Sensitivity to market mechanisms may inject pragmatism in contexts where states are unable or unwilling to supply capability enhancing public goods. Through an analysis of the Center for Urban and Regional Excellence’s proof-of-concept development project in India, this article argues that a market-oriented framework can be useful in mitigating collective action problems.     

Towards security governance as a critical tool: a conceptual outline

This article argues that security governance can and should be reframed as a critical tool that enables us to understand and reappraise concrete practices of security provision. Security governance needs to move beyond the functional mapping of different governing arrangements and the presumption that security governance leads to effective and legitimate problem-solving in a quasi-automatic manner. In this article, we propose a framework that identifies the essential characteristics of security governance and turns them into critical questions with the aim to reveal persisting frictions and dilemmas. First, we trace the rise of security governance as concept and practice over the past decade and identify its central characteristics with regard to prerequisites, structures and consequences. Second, we reframe the core characteristics of security governance into critical questions and thereby develop an understanding of security governance as a critical tool. Finally, we illustrate the relevance of this approach with examples from EU security governance.     

Researching counterterrorism: a personal perspective from a former undercover police officer

Written by an academic and former undercover police officer, this article consists of an initial response to Basia Spalek and Mary O’Rawe’s article “Researching Counter-terrorism: A Critical Perspective from the Field in Light of Allegations and Findings of Covert Activities by Undercover Police Officers”. It acknowledges the importance of concerns raised by Spalek and O’Rawe in regard to undercover policing and seeks to identify areas for constructive debate both in the immediate future and in the long term. Mike German’s book Thinking Like a Terrorist is referenced to illustrate a potential model of best practice when police officers are tasked to infiltrate groups or cells carrying out acts of terrorism and political violence. Likewise, Rachel Monaghan’s article “Terrorism in the Name of Animal Rights” is referenced to suggest that German’s model might apply in respect of acts of terrorism and political violence committed in support of animal rights no less than when committed in support of far right politics. German’s book also serves to illustrate an argument that prior employment as an undercover police officer might not necessarily undermine trust in that officer's subsequent work of a different nature. Crucial here, is the author’s claim that his subsequent police partnership work with Muslim groups in London was based on reciprocal trust and did not employ deception, axiomatic to undercover policing, in any respect. Although the author is presently restricted by ongoing investigations and legal proceedings, the article outlines a basis on which he might contribute his experience of undercover policing to future discussions.