共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
张宝艳 《俄罗斯中亚东欧研究》2009,(5)
进入21世纪以来,经济全球化把世界各国紧密联系在一起,并逐渐形成了以知识、金融活动、信息技术为中心,以跨国企业为依托的国际经济新格局.在经济全球化中,任何国家都融入国际市场,其中一个很重要的手段就是开展国际直接投资活动. 相似文献
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Given the popular wisdom that the U.S. government influences IMF policies and tends to support the business community, it
might be expected that IMF programs benefit U.S. firms abroad and thus borrower nations are attractive destinations for U.S.
foreign direct investment (FDI). Surprisingly, no study has tested the impact of IMF loans on U.S. FDI. Controlling for common
explanations in the literature, we use a treatment effects model and interviews with IMF staff researchers to investigate
whether countries under different kinds of IMF programs receive more U.S. FDI than countries not under IMF arrangements. Using
panel data for 126 developing countries from 1980 to 2003, we find that IMF borrowers tend to be more attractive to U.S. investors
but not all IMF programs have the same effect. Our findings suggest that differences in loan duration, the extent of borrower
input in policy decisions, and loan amounts affect borrowers’ leverage with the Fund and the U.S. 相似文献
3.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):381-398
Do profit‐seeking foreign direct investors value a country's transition to democracy? If they do, they should vote with their pocketbooks, resulting in a post‐transition increase in foreign direct investment flows. This study attempts to uncover links between transition to democracy and foreign direct investment (FDI) in Asia, Latin America, and the Caribbean, In doing so, it addresses existing arguments about connections between democracy and investor behavior. The regions examined have not only experienced democratic transitions, they also account for the majority of the increasing flow of FDI to the developing world. This research employs time‐series cross‐sectional (TSCS) economic and political data, using ordinary least squares with panel corrected standard errors. The central finding is that transition to democracy has a negative effect on FDI. Secondarily, political instability and higher levels of democracy also deter foreign direct investors. 相似文献
4.
哈萨克斯坦独立后实施了向市场经济体制的转轨.十余年来,哈萨克斯坦政府积极开展与外界的联系,大力吸引外国直接投资.实证研究表明,外国直接投资对哈萨克斯坦国内经济复苏与增长起到了巨大的推动作用.进一步引导和优化外国直接投资的结构对哈萨克斯坦实现经济腾飞与现代化具有重要的意义. 相似文献
5.
Martin Khor 《Development in Practice》1996,6(4):304-314
The European Commission and other OECD countries would like a foreign-investment treaty (or 'multilateral investment agreement') within the World Trade Organisation (WTO). This would allow foreign companies to establish themselves with 100 per cent equity in all sectors (except security) in any WTO country; and receive 'national treatment' on a par with local firms. National policies favouring local enterprises or facilities would be deemed discriminatory, and thus illegal under WTO rules. The penalties for non-compliance with WTO agreements are extensive. This article explores the grave implications of such a treaty for developing countries, and suggests alternatives that are available to them. 相似文献
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The Review of International Organizations - Do bilateral investment treaties (BITs) affect collective labor rights in developing countries? BITs lock in pre-existing low labor standards that are... 相似文献
7.
Thilo Hanemann 《Asia Europe Journal》2014,12(1-2):127-142
Chinese outward foreign direct investment (OFDI) in developed economies has increased substantially in recent years, driven by policy liberalization and structural adjustments in China’s economy. Efforts to accurately describe the dimensions of this increase are complicated by problems with official statistics and the complexity of deal structures. This article introduces the major problems of capturing data on global cross-border investment flows and elaborates on the particular difficulties of measuring Chinese outward FDI. It identifies alternative datasets that can help to better capture the scope and patterns of the Chinese overseas investment and uses one of them to describe the growth of Chinese investment in the EU and the US since 2000, highlighting similarities and differences in investment patterns in the world’s two biggest economies. 相似文献
8.
高空 《俄罗斯中亚东欧研究》2009,(3)
20世纪90年代以来,中东欧国家引进了大量外资.引进外资的需要促使了外资立法的日臻完善,而引资的成就也得益于法律的保驾护航.随着中东欧国家相继加入欧盟,其外资立法也基本达到西方发达国家的水平.这种立法的快速转型一方面成就了新欧洲的崛起,另一方面也为中东欧国家经济埋下隐患,并在近期的金融风暴中显现出来.外资的大量撤离导致了中东欧国家经济系统性的危机,外资立法面临新的挑战. 相似文献
9.
Andrew Sumner 《Development in Practice》2005,15(3-4):269-285
Few issues in the development process raise as much heat as the role of the international private sector in the form of transnational corporations (TNCs) and foreign direct investment (FDI). This article reviews the most recent research on the impact of FDI on economic growth and poverty reduction in developing countries. A brief history of FDI is given. This is followed by discussion of the conceptual transmission mechanisms linking FDI, growth, and poverty. The available empirical evidence is then discussed. It is argued that it is not a question of whether FDI is good or bad for social and economic development, but that its impact is determined by the terms upon which FDI is accepted. Although overall the evidence on FDI, growth, and poverty is not conclusive, research has had a tendency to suggest that the benefits of FDI are linked to the FDI policy regime; and that the current orthodoxy of maintaining a highly liberal FDI policy regime leads to a situation whereby developing countries have a precarious trade-off to make between attracting FDI and maintaining policy instruments to extract the benefits of any inflows. 相似文献
10.
Recent research has noted a trend of increased “politicization” of international politics, i.e., decisions of international institutions are increasingly debated and contested within civil society. What is lacking so far are explanations for this trend. In this paper we derive four potential explanations and empirically test them. The first two, society-centered, hypotheses focus on the process of socio-economic modernization on the one hand and civil society structures on the other. The second pair of polity-centered hypotheses focuses on the decision-making power of international institutions and on their legitimacy. We measure politicization on the basis of a quantitative content analysis of US quality newspaper articles about four decisions of different international institutions in the issue area of international taxation. Our finding is that politicization is driven by the increasing decision making authority of international institutions rather than by the lack of legitimacy of their procedures or the factors emphasized by society-centered approaches. 相似文献
11.
Bilateral Investment Treaties (BITs) present developing countries with a trade-off. BITs plausibly increase access to international capital in the form of foreign direct investment (FDI), but at the cost of substantially curtailing a government’s policy autonomy. Nearly 3000 BITs have been entered into, suggesting that many countries have found this trade-off acceptable. But governments’ enthusiasm for signing and ratifying BITs has varied considerably across countries and across time. Why are BITs more popular in some places and times than others? We argue that capital scarcity is an important driver of BIT signings: The trade-off inherent in BITs becomes more attractive to governments as the need to secure access to international capital increases. More specifically, we argue that the coincidence of high US interest rates and net external financial liabilities heightens governments’ incentives to secure access to foreign capital, and therefore results in BIT signings. Empirical evidence is consistent with our theory. 相似文献
12.
中印利用外资的比较研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
中国和印度分别于1978年、1991年实行改革开放政策.此后两国经济发展迅速,利用外资规模不断扩大,日益成为当今国际直接投资的两个主要区域.中印国情相似,又是在吸引外资方面的重要竞争对手,对两国利用外资的现状、模式、政策以及环境进行比较分析,对中国的改革开放与扩大吸收外资有借鉴意义. 相似文献
13.
美国与欧盟是以美国为首的北大西洋公约集团的盟国.美国对欧盟的基本对策目标是始终保持美国主导下的美欧政治、军事同盟关系.随着国际形势和美欧关系的变化,美国对欧盟的政策经历了多次阶段性的调整和变化.其总体趋势是美国对欧盟政策的负面因素愈益突出,促使美欧关系愈益趋于松散. 相似文献
14.
This article interrogates the ways in which the United States ‘forgets’ the consequences and effects of its foreign policy in the making of its identity. In particular, the article argues that such forgetting enables the United States government to frame its interventions in world affairs as innocent and morally driven. Literature on collective memory and the forgetting that enables the production of such memory informs one element of the argument. Three contemporary films from the amnesia genre are analysed to provide insights into the kind of American identity forged in the acts of remembering and forgetting, illustrating the argument that remembering and forgetting are complex, voluntary and at times mendacious processes. The article concludes with the observation that the processes of forgetting past action when framing the context of new interventions make the United States a dangerous force in global affairs. 相似文献
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自小布什政府上台以来,美国实行了从以自由主义为基础的"接触战略"向以新保守主义为基础的追求美国独霸世界的战略转型.它对盟国的要求也从"领导与合作"向"跟从或晾在一边"转变,使美国与主要盟国的关系也发生了深刻的变化.美国与主要盟国之间有着共同利益,但是,美国是沉湎于"帝国梦"还是做一个"开明的霸权",将决定同盟关系的走向. 相似文献
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美国在《全面禁止核试验条约》问题上的态度、立场,引起世人关注。作者引了大 量美国军方、政府以及专家的材料,对布什政府在此问题上的动向作了分析,指出,美国布 什政府对CTBT上的消极态度,无疑对条约早日生效又创造了重大障碍,对国际军控产生不良 影响。 相似文献
20.
César de Prado Yepes 《Asia Europe Journal》2005,3(1):25-35
This paper argues the Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) interregional process has had a great influence on the European partners, in fact, much greater than so far acknowledged. It gives an overview of the adaptation of European partners foreign policies towards East Asia as seen in the creation or modification of their overall strategies. It then presents in more detail the selected case studies of Spain and Sweden. The findings show that most EU partners have indeed have considered the ASEM process a useful route to advance their interests towards East Asia, and that six have created or upgraded comprehensive strategies. The two in-depth country analyses (Sweden and Spain) further substantiate the claim that the ASEM process has had an important effect on European partners. It is expected that this trend will continue.Paper presented at the 5th Pan-European Conference of the European Consortium for Political Researchs Standing group on International Relations, Den Hague, Netherlands, 9–11 September 2004. 相似文献