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1.
近期,美国特朗普政府在中东地区击杀伊朗军事将领的行动及其反恐政策引起了国际社会极大的担忧和激烈批评,拉高了对于特朗普政府反恐政策和战略的关注度.事实上,特朗普政府对美国的反恐战略进行了重大调整,新的反恐战略突出了预防性和全面性,并在战略倾向、重点领域和具体政策方面都有新的变化和深化.受其影响,反恐战略正在从全球治理选项逐渐转变为国内治理选项,大国反恐合作的效力进一步降低,国际反恐的合法性和政治基础将遭到削弱.尤其是,特朗普政府在反恐中对军事手段的选择性使用以及各种工具性的反恐举措有引发“以暴制暴”的暴力滥用之虞;其减少反恐援助、以高压姿态分摊反恐责任和借反恐之名打压特定国家如伊朗的做法,更使反恐日益偏离题中之义.  相似文献   

2.
新阶段反恐战争:巴基斯坦的处境与美巴矛盾   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
张力 《南亚研究季刊》2008,(2):10-16,74
在美国领导的国际反恐战争中,巴基斯坦发挥了无以替代的作用。但近年来巴国内局势持续动荡,恐怖主义威胁日渐严重。为增进国家安全和稳定局势,穆沙拉夫和新近执政的吉拉尼政府开始调整应对恐怖和极端势力的战略,但新政策的尝试引发美国的担忧和美巴之间的矛盾。从趋势看,巴将强调以符合国情的方式采取反恐行动.改善与美国合作中的弱势地位;美国则将在反恐紧迫性与现实局限之间寻找平衡。  相似文献   

3.
特朗普政府反恐预警机制改革论析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1       下载免费PDF全文
特朗普上台伊始,以“伊斯兰国”为代表的外部恐怖力量的恶性发展和本土“独狼”式恐怖袭击的频发严重威胁着美国安全,民众不安全感因此持续上升,加之美国反恐系统的缺陷,要求改革美国反恐预警机制的呼声日增。特朗普政府改革反恐预警机制的举措主要包括加强反恐情报搜集和分析、加强与盟友的情报合作与共享机制、加强边界与海关的预防管控、强化反恐预防执法机制、修正国家威胁警报系统公告发布机制等五个方面。纵观特朗普政府执政近两年的反恐预警机制改革实践,其实际效果并不明显。特朗普与情报界的紧张关系及特朗普政府的情报失误、强化移民治理机制、预防恐怖分子政策、对穆斯林敌对性的移民政策、边界预防管控的任性政策及反恐战略的不确定性等,都将影响美国正常反恐预警机制的形成,也会影响美国反恐预警机制的效果与改革方向。美国要预防恐怖主义需要在国内解决社会分裂问题,在国外放弃霸凌政策以缓解反美力量的对美的敌对情绪,美国面临的恐怖威胁才有可能降低。  相似文献   

4.
今年6月28日,美国总统奥巴马签署并颁布了新版《国家反恐战略》(以下简称“战略”)。④这是美国继2003年和2006年后发布的第三部国家反恐战略,是对前两部反恐战略的继承与深化。“战略”发布在美军击毙本·拉丹后,目的是针对全球反恐形势的新变化,重新调整美国具体的反恐目标、指导原则、重点区域,指导美国“后拉丹时代”的反恐行动。  相似文献   

5.
在恐怖主义威胁日益复杂化和多样化的今天,为保护加拿大海外利益和国内安全利益,维护与美国的联盟关系,加拿大政府于2012、2013和2014年连续出台了一系列有关反恐的官方文件。在2014年议会大厦枪击事件之后,哈珀政府更是进一步调整和改善反恐战略的思路与政策,其反恐态度与手段更趋强硬。但加拿大在反恐问题上追随美国、秉持"双重标准",有些做法脱离实际、过于极端,且对新的恐怖主义袭击方式和公共外交等"软"性手段重视不够,新政策更是引发了国内广泛争议,对其反恐实际效果产生了消极影响。  相似文献   

6.
在当今世界,俄罗斯和美国是遭受恐怖主义威胁最为严重的两个大国,反恐战略在俄罗斯和美国国家安全战略中都是不可或缺的组成部分。俄美两国在反恐战略的形成、恐怖主义威胁判断、反恐目标、军事反恐战略实践和国际反恐合作等方面有相同之处,也存在显著差别。随着俄美领导人的更换,两国反恐战略都在调整,并且选择了不同的战略取向。反恐是俄美两国合作的重要领域,但俄美反恐战略的分歧可能导致双方之间爆发摩擦乃至冲突。  相似文献   

7.
目前,美国的反恐政策主要集中在针对恐怖主义的行动,倾向于使用武力、秘密侦讯等手段.但是这不仅不能真正战胜恐怖主义,反而使美国面临丧失自身价值观的危险.美国反恐怖战略,在国外应该表现为与圣战事业相关的政治斗争;在国内主要表现为如何克服民众的恐惧和如何更好地借助民众的力量.  相似文献   

8.
对于全世界而言,反恐将是人类社会一项长期、艰苦和复杂的斗争。只要导致恐怖主 义存在的土壤尚存,恐怖主义仍将是我们人类共同面对的一大挑战。这些土壤包括人性之恶的存 在、文化与文明的对抗和冲突、世界范围内不同层次上不公平、不平等的格局秩序、贫富差距的不 断扩大等等。美国主导的全球反恐在最近十年内都将击毙本? 拉登作为其主要的战略目标之一,击 毙本? 拉登会对美国以及恐怖组织短期内产生一些的影响。但是长期来看,拉登之死对全球范围内 的恐怖主义活动以及相应的反恐斗争不会产生决定性的影响,美国的反恐战略也不会因此产生重 大的转变。  相似文献   

9.
进入21世纪以来,新型冠状病毒、埃博拉、重症急性呼吸综合征以及甲流感等新发和复发传染病危机对全球卫生安全构成严重威胁,因此,如何促进全球卫生安全治理是当今国际社会亟待解决的问题。尽管美国曾经在全球卫生安全治理中发挥了重要作用,但尚未形成清晰的全球卫生安全治理政策。美国于2019年5月首次发布《全球卫生安全战略》,标志着特朗普政府全球卫生安全政策正式出台。该《全球卫生安全战略》以应对传染病威胁为核心,呈现出了以国家安全为导向和"全政府"路径的特点,充分体现了特朗普政府的"负担分担""美国优先"和反多边主义的思维。在全球卫生安全领域,各国已成为"因病相依"的全球命运共同体。有效的全球卫生安全治理需要全球多边主义,特朗普政府以国家安全为导向和以"美国优先"为原则的《全球卫生安全战略》与全球卫生安全的实现之间存在张力。特朗普政府的上述思维不仅侵蚀了全球卫生安全体系建构所必需的国际政治合作基础,也恶化了全球卫生安全的融资体系,因此对全球卫生安全体系构成了挑战。  相似文献   

10.
“9·11”恐怖袭击后,恐怖主义成为美国国家安全的首要威胁,美国为此在安全、军事、民用等领域投入巨资,在国际上发动以其为首的反恐战争。今年8月19—25日,“9·11”事件十周年之际,国际政策舆论项目(PIPA)就恐怖主义及反恐战争相关问题,对美国公众舆论进行调查,以期为美未来反恐与安全政策提供参考依据。  相似文献   

11.
The British experience in Northern Ireland, particularly the fight against the Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA), is an oft-cited case study in the counter-insurgency (COIN) spectrum and tome of counter-terrorism studies. It is the totality of the British intelligence experience in Northern Ireland, with its successes and challenges, which make it such a valuable case study from which to draw insight to shape contemporary COIN intelligence-based operations. As the conflict was both prolonged and intensified, a multitude of intelligence units from military and law enforcement evolved specifically to counter the effectiveness of PIRA; and to satisfy the desire of the security establishment to intensify information-gathering activities. This article examines the evolution and development of this security intelligence-driven effort that ultimately had the cumulative effect to wear down PIRA’s military capability through the focused application of a prolonged and lavishly resourced linked intelligence apparatus as an adjunct of a heavy military and police footprint. Nevertheless, despite Northern Ireland being a relatively small geographical area, the eventual containment of PIRA took years to achieve, demonstrating just how difficult it is to address a committed and determined insurgency. This highlights that a successful COIN strategy is arguably best predicated on the need for “patient” as opposed to “decisive” operations.  相似文献   

12.
There are clear indicators that in spite of the sensitivity of internal security in terms of essential state functions and national sovereignty an EU governance framework with specific characteristics has emerged in the counter-terrorism field. Common threat assessments guide governance responses, and specific institutional structures, cooperation mechanisms, legal instruments, and forms of external action have been put into place to respond to the cross-border nature of the terrorist challenges. However, in line with the general subsidiary role only of the EU as provider of internal security in addition to the Member States, this governance framework remains based on the interaction and cooperation between national counter-terrorist systems and capabilities that remain largely under national control and still enjoy relatively wide margins of discretion in terms of priorities, legal framework, and organization. This analysis concludes that the EU's internal security governance – as evident from the counter-terrorism field – may be best characterized as an advanced institutionalized system of cooperation and coordination between national governance frameworks constructed around a core of common instruments and procedures with a cross-border reach.  相似文献   

13.
ABSTRACT

The complexities which beset any attempts to ascribe a foundational ethic to matters of a political stripe are well known, and continue to provoke fierce debate within studies of international relations, geopolitics and security studies. Unsurprisingly, these questions have taken on crucial import within the sub-field of critical terrorism studies (CTS), as authors grapple with the range of counter-terrorism, counter-radicalisation and counter-extremism practices enacted by the Western state as part of an ongoing ‘War on Terror.’ And while much of this scholarship has been invaluable in problematizing the concept of ‘terrorism’ per se, normative questions have proven somewhat more elusive. Through a reading of the film Eye in the Sky, along with its take on the controversial counter-terrorism practice of targeted drone assassinations, this article reiterates the case for an ethical approach which takes radical difference as the basis for any engagement with the Other. Moreover, and following international relations authors of a poststructuralist lineage, it will be argued that supplementing Levinasian ethics with Derridean deconstruction can open up new and useful ways of approaching such seemingly intractable ethical conundrums.  相似文献   

14.
This response examines what is overlooked in Sylvester’s analysis of similarities between the US police security response to the Boston marathon bombings (2013) and Kevin Powers’ fictionalised account of the US war operations in Al Tafar, Iraq (2004) and evaluates the consequences for our understanding of contemporary war. This is done by highlighting differences between the experience of residents in Boston and the (real) town of Tal Afar, key among them the insecurity, fear and calamity that result from the distinct political realities in these locations. The experience of war from the perspective of the victims adds an important dimension to the debate over the changing nature of war. At a time that is marked by an unprecedented level of technologisation and visual mediation, it brings into focus the fragmentary and often one-sided evidence on which our knowledge of contemporary war is based. It reminds us to ask not only what we know about war, but how we know it.  相似文献   

15.
ABSTRACT

This article reveals a new trend in UK counter-terrorism: the emergence of anti-extremist Theatre-in-Education (TIE) to deliver counter-terrorism projects in schools and colleges. Using Paulo Freire’s vision of critical and dialogic pedagogy, I offer an analysis of anti-extremist TIE against a backdrop of PREVENT, the UK counter-terrorism strategy. The September 11 attack, the London Transport bombings and the more recent attacks in Europe and the UK have contributed to a strengthening of counter-terrorism measures in all spheres of public life. In 2015, the UK government introduced a statutory duty for education providers to prevent young people from being drawn into terrorism. This is known as the PREVENT Duty. The implementation of the duty has not been without controversy, with commentators noting a disproportionate focus on Islamist forms of terrorism. My study has shown that the guiding principle of TIE to enact social change is threatened in this climate, whilst maintaining the possibility of engaging young people in meaningful dialogue about terrorism and violent extremism.  相似文献   

16.
作为一种极端的解构力量,恐怖主义对于国际秩序的威胁和损害不仅在于通过制造恶性事件以破坏国际社会的安全稳定,更在于借助销蚀主流价值而削弱国际秩序的观念基础。因此,国际社会有必要将评估和应对恐怖主义的社会解构纳入反恐治理的基本范畴。其中,以“伊斯兰国”组织为代表的恐怖主义力量进行社会解构的行为策略,可以分为以动摇当代领土政治、颠覆主流生命伦理和创设替代政治秩序为主要构成的重释再造,以动员恐怖袭击、滋长恐怖气氛和催生仇恨敌对为主要构成的“木马”植入,以“黑色经济”“黑色宣传”和“黑色技术”为主要构成的反向利用。目前,国际社会的反恐路径注重结合预防恐怖主义的内向防御逻辑与打击恐怖主义的外向进攻逻辑。沿着这一思路,国际社会可以综合采取加强反恐实践中的逆向战略、修正反恐叙事中的敌意话语和联通反恐治理中的不同系统等多种举措以应对恐怖主义的社会解构。  相似文献   

17.
Some very significant policy developments indicate “supranationalisation processes” of EU external relations in counter-terrorism, even in its most significant relationship with the USA. This means that, increasingly, the USA is willing to work with Europe through its institutionalised forum—the European Union. Thus, the EU achieves certain recognition on the world stage in areas previously completely unsuspected—the “high politics” of counter-terrorism. This supranationalisation process proceeds in two stages. Firstly, the construction of an Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ) pools a significant amount of national sovereignty at the level of the EU through the establishment of internal EU competences. As a side effect, however, it also constructs an institutionalised structure for external actors, such as the U.S., to deal with. Through dealing within this institutional setting, member states' interests become defined in such a way that increasingly they construct a “European” interest related to counter-terrorism.  相似文献   

18.
ABSTRACT

When Britain imposed the “Prevent duty”, a legal duty on education, health and social welfare organisations to report concerns about individuals identified as at-risk of radicalisation, critics argued it would accentuate the stigmatisation of Muslim communities, “chill” free speech, and exacerbate societal securitisation. Based on 70 interviews with educational professionals and a national online survey (n = 225), this article examines their perceptions of how the duty has played out in practice. It then provides an explanation for why, contrary to expectations, not only has overt professional opposition been limited, but there has been some evidence of positive acceptance. It is argued that these findings neither simply reflect reluctant policy accommodation nor do they simply reflect straightforward policy acceptance, but rather they comprise the outcome of multi-level processes of policy narration, enactment and adaptation. Three processes are identified as being of particular importance in shaping education professionals’ engagement with the duty: the construction of radicalisation as a significant societal, institutional and personal risk; the construction of continuity between the Prevent duty and existing professional practices; and the responsibilisation of first-line professionals. The conclusion reflects on the wider public and policy implications of these findings.  相似文献   

19.
This article responds to the following research questions: How and why have victims of ETA’s terrorism in Spain become an interest group with significant influence on the political and legislative agenda of the country. The evolution of the associative movement of victims of terrorism is assessed in order to explain the process by which their influence and impact on the political agenda has gradually grown throughout the years. It analyzes the transition from the isolation suffered by victims of terrorism in the early days of ETA’s campaign to the prominent social and political role played at later stages. The factors that motivate and explain their active role as interest groups are looked into, demonstrating different claims and interests with varying degrees of coherence and leverage. The relevancy of victims of terrorism within the anti-terrorist policies of various Spanish governments will be established, as well as the achievements and limitations of such a significant interest group.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract

This article applies a historical institutionalist perspective to an empirical analysis of the sources and characteristics of the institutionalisation of European Union counter-terrorism. Drawing upon the work of Stone Sweet, Sandholtz and Fligstein, this paper critically analyses the impact of external crises in the form of major terrorist attacks on the emergence of counter-terrorism as an area of European governance. It also highlights the key policy and institutional developments, studies the role of policy innovators on the institutionalisation of counter-terrorism and supports the relevance of ‘transformative’ or ‘evolutionary’ models for the understanding of institutional change in this domain.  相似文献   

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