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1.
本文从中国的角色定位和国际责任、中国的国际战略、中国外交的实践分析与理论思考、国际关系理论与中国外交等方面系统介绍了在复旦大学召开的"中国外交与国际关系理论"2006年度国际青年研讨会.  相似文献   

2.
从马克思主义国际关系理论的视野来看,太空安全缘于各国发展太空技术并在此基础上进行交往互动的社会实践。太空安全互动并不是单方面对国际政治施加影响的体系外变量,太空安全实践的社会过程内嵌在国际体系宏观社会进程里,共同构成了国际政治演化的内生动力。作为当代先进生产力集中代表者之一的太空技术以及支撑这种技术的社会经济因素,是太空安全演变中的根本性变量。"技术-权力-观念"的辩证互动蕴涵着太空安全进化冲突抑或进化合作的内在机理,预示着太空安全持续进化到包容、普惠、和谐状态的前景。在一定利益关系基础上展开的太空主体安全互动实践中,普遍存在着冲突与合作的关系状态。太空安全进化冲突抑或进化合作是历史的、具体的和多样的,主要取决于由太空技术决定的体系暴力控制、政治认同增强和规范机制的内化和遵循等关键性社会条件。为此,基于"和平发展"理念的既具中国特色又有世界意义的太空安全研究,应跳出西方国际关系理论"权力政治"思维的窠臼,努力建构马克思主义内在逻辑与价值取向的研究体系,从而为推动中国特色军民融合式航天事业发展与太空国际合作进程提供一定的理论指导。  相似文献   

3.
70年来,中国国际关系研究从以苏联为师,到翻译引介西方理论,再到运用既有理论解释现实,然后立足中国实践创新研究路径和理论范式,日渐成熟。满足重大战略和现实需要是理论创新发展的基本动力,立足中国视角和实践经验是理论自主创新的必要基础,重视国际学术交流互鉴是促进理论发展的重要条件。与此同时,中国国际关系研究依然存在满足重大现实需求的理论创新供给不足、理论体系和研究方法的自主性不强、具有主体和自觉意识的学术共同体建设滞后等问题。面对当今国际关系发展的新形势新要求,紧扣国际关系重大理论与实践需求,坚持以问题为主的研究导向,树立充分的理论和学术自信,加强专业化的学术共同体建设,鼓励国际学术交流与争鸣辩论,不断提升国际关系研究的自主性和创新性,不仅是加强中国特色国际关系研究的重要任务,更是新时代对中国国际关系研究的必然要求。  相似文献   

4.
正《国际问题研究》是中国创办最早的国际问题研究学术刊物之一。本刊以服务中国外交为宗旨,坚持战略性、前瞻性与政策性相结合,提倡从国际战略的高层次、宏观性、多角度来研究国际问题,在学术分析中体现中国外交战略思维,为外交实践提供理论支持。主要栏目有:国际关系专论、国际政治专论、国际安全与战略综析、热点问题聚焦等。本刊追求严肃扎实的学风,对理论探讨提倡宽容求进和学术民主。  相似文献   

5.
正《国际问题研究》是中国创办最早的国际问题研究学术刊物之一。本刊以服务中国外交为宗旨,坚持战略性、前瞻性与政策性相结合,提倡从国际战略的高层次、宏观性、多角度来研究国际问题,在学术分析中体现中国外交战略思维,为外交实践提供理论支持。主要栏目有:国际关系专论、国际政治专论、国际安全与战略综析、热点问题聚焦等。本刊追求严肃扎实的学风,对理论探讨提倡宽容求进和学术民主。  相似文献   

6.
李正  陈才 《东北亚论坛》2013,(2):99-106,130
探索国际河流合作通航中的经验及模式,对于化解矛盾和早日实现图们江合作通航有着重要意义。以次区域合作为背景,运用地缘政治与地缘经济理论与方法,对澜沧江—湄公河与图们江通航实践进行比较分析,基于正反经验提出了合作通航的冲突模式。研究表明,在国际河流的合作通航中,地缘政治向地缘经济的转移是前提条件,次区域合作是主要推动力,多维利益的平衡是核心问题,签署和规范国际河流法是根本保障。针对图们江合作通航中的矛盾冲突,指出了化解途径。  相似文献   

7.
国际政治经济学是西方国际关系理论的最新流派之一。它区别于汉斯·摩根索的权力政治现实主义理论,更注重经济现实在国际关系中的作用,用国际政治与国际经济的互动性来解释当今世界的竞争现实与趋势,强调冲突与合作。是当今西方新现实主义的主要理论。本文对这一流派作了评介。  相似文献   

8.
相互依赖理论是国际政治经济学的一支重要理论。相互依赖是一种客观存在的事实, 至于它会 实现合作还是导致冲突, 概念本身无法回答;合作不该被视为没有冲突的状态, 而应该被视为对冲突或潜在冲 突的反应。共同利益只是国际合作产生和进行的一个基本前提, 但共同利益存在本身不会自动导致国际合作 的出现。国际制度是由国家制定的对相互依赖关系产生影响的一系列具有控制性的安排, 在国际制度对国际 相互依赖进行管理和约束下, 相互依赖与国际合作呈正相关关系。  相似文献   

9.
21世纪任何一国所希望创建的国际关系体系,其形成都有赖于现实三重国际新秩序的发展.在和平、发展、合作基础上建立民主的国际政治新秩序是中国国际战略的目标追求.体现在现实的国际关系上,中国要从全球、地区、国家三个利益层面构建自身的国际关系体系.在全球利益层面,突出并适应安全与合作这一主题,寻求国际格局中有利于合作的共同战略利益基础,倡导建立多元文明平等、共处、合作、发展的全球秩序;在区域利益层面,着眼于地区利益关系的协调,达成地区内多个大国共同崛起的相互认同,尝试构建由地区潜力型大国或地区组织自愿推动的区域合作体系和相互依赖机制;在国家主权关系层面,重点警惕"新帝国主义"从理论到实践各方面对民族性的侵蚀,重视维护国际利益的民族性和多元性,丰富和创新以国家主权利益为支点的爱国主义,确立维护和平、保障安全、有利发展的崛起战略.  相似文献   

10.
"进程"本身具有积极和消极双重含义,但国际关系理论中的"进程"概念,应该是指一个社会化的互动过程,它既是一个国际行为体的学习过程,同时又是一个建构过程。以进程为变量解释国际合作形成的理论被我们称为"进程合作论"。进程合作论认为,进程能够推动国家加强对话和学习,接受规范和法治,帮助国家建构集体身份,从而为合作提供强大的认同基础,而国家之间的合作行为,又能扩大共识,再现规范,强化共有利益观念,从而又推动进程的维系。"进程合作论"的基点在于进程,进程既构成合作的原因和手段,又成为合作的结果和目的,进程与合作相互促进,相互加强,共生共存。  相似文献   

11.
Despite a principled commitment to assist people in need equally, the allocation of humanitarian assistance across conflict and post-conflict states shows remarkable variation that is not easily explained by differences in the level of recipient-need. This paper attempts to explain these “forgotten conflicts“ by analyzing the determinants of humanitarian aid to civil war and post-civil war states. Using cross-national panel data on humanitarian aid provisions, I show that the most important determinants of international humanitarian assistance are not always demand-side factors measuring humanitarian need – as the principals of humanitarian action would dictate – but often strategic factors that reflect donors’ political interests in providing humanitarian assistance. Although humanitarian aid to ongoing civil wars appears to be substantially more humanitarian than strategic in its allocation, humanitarian aid provided to post-conflict states in the aftermath of civil war tends to go to conflicts where donors perceive important strategic and political interests. These results suggest that one important explanation for why some conflicts are essentially ignored or gradually neglected over time is that strategic interests of donors can dominate humanitarian concerns over time.  相似文献   

12.
The international situation is evolving more impressively than it has at any time since the end of the Cold War.Globalization has been in decline.Nations are scrambling to gain greater influence.The international strategic pattern is being adjusted.Many countries have problems with public management,and are faced with a new array of social trends and increasingly popular movements.The world is entering a new era full of chaos and anxiety.Mankind once again faces significant trade-offs and choices in peace and conflict,development and recession,openness and isolation,liberalism and conservatism.China strives to advocate win-win cooperation and lead the trend of reform and opening to maintain a favorable external environment despite world chaos,and enhance status and institutional rights in the international system.China's 30 years of development was successful in the process of integrating into the existing international system;China is a participant as well as a builder of the international system,rather than a challenger or a subversive.In the future,with a constructive attitude,China will promote the international system in a more reasonable direction together with international partners,in order to better safeguard world peace and security,and promote sustainable development throughout the world.  相似文献   

13.
The evolving close relationship between the scholarly study of conflict resolution and the practice of waging and resolving conflicts can be seen in Georgian–Abkhaz and Georgian–South-Ossetian relations from 1992 to 2008. This article focuses on two related case studies of the many roles played by international conflict resolution scholars in Georgian–Abkhaz and in Georgian–South-Ossetian relations from 1992 to 2008. Drawing on interviews with insider-partial conflict resolution scholars, relevant international scholar-practitioners of conflict resolution, and the leadership of all parties of the conflicts, conducted between 1996 and 2008, the article presents a comprehensive analysis of the variety of roles conflict resolution scholar-practitioners have played in these conflicts during the wars and the recovery from war. The analysis suggests the need for clear ethical guidelines that cover traditional scholarly roles as well as scholar-practitioner roles including advising conflict parties, facilitating conflict resolution processes and analysing the conflicts. In particular, dilemmas emerge as scholar-practitioners move back and forth between these modes of engaged scholarship.  相似文献   

14.
ABSTRACT

Recent research on multi-actor civil wars highlights that rebel organizations condition their conflict behavior on that of other rebel organizations, with competition and free-riding constituting the core theoretical mechanisms. We provide a new actor-centric approach to explicitly model strategic interdependence in multi-actor civil wars. We argue that rebel organizations have incentives to remain mobilized until the end of a conflict to maintain their power to negotiate, power to spoil, power to enforce, and power to protect. This induces strategic complements that dominate duration dynamics in multi-actor conflicts. Based on a network game-theoretic model, we derive a spatial econometric framework that allows for a direct test of strategic interdependence. We find that the estimated duration interdependence is positive but partially offset in secessionist conflicts where the public goods nature of the incompatibility also induces strategic substitution effects.  相似文献   

15.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(3):265-293
Recently, ethnicity has received greater attention from international conflict scholars. This study explores a new aspect of how ethnic composition of states and the power of ethnic kin affect external state interventions in ethnic conflicts. Here it is hypothesized that states with dominant ethnic groups but still-significant ethnic minorities are expected to be more prone to intervention in ethnic conflict than states without one of these two characteristics. A new measure is proposed to capture such variation in ethnic composition more precisely. Looking at large-N panel data, it is found that ethnically fractionalized states with dominant ethnic groups are indeed the most likely to intervene in ethnic conflicts. Additionally, the power of the embattled ethnic kin minority, as determined by its settlement patterns in the host state, also increases the likelihood of intervention. Traditional variables like proximity and capability retain statistical significance. However, ethnic variables have the strongest effects on interventions in ethnic conflict.  相似文献   

16.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):147-178
This paper reports the creation of a data set of 256 cases of international conflict between 1815 and 1965. These conflicts consisted of (1) international disputes and crises in which the use of force appeared likely, (2) the unreciprocated use of violence, and (3) the reciprocated use of violence. The paper includes some statistics describing patterns in the data and contains an Appendix listing the data set.  相似文献   

17.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):179-204
The study of international relations using quantitative analysis relies, in part, on the availability of comprehensive and easily manipulable data sets. To execute large‐n statistical tests of hypotheses, data must be available on the variables of interest, and those data must be manipulated into a suitable format to allow the inclusion of appropriate control variables as well as variables of central theoretical interest This paper introduces software designed to eliminate many of the difficulties commonly involved in constructing large international relations data sets, and with the unavailability of data on expected utility theories of war.

In order to solve these two problems, we developed EUGene (the Expected Utility Generation and Data Management Program). EUGene is a stand‐alone Microsoft Windows based program for the construction of annual data sets for use in quantitative studies of international relations. It generates data for variables necessary to incorporate key variables from implementations of the so‐called “expected utility theory of war” into broader analyses of international conflict EUGene is also designed to make building international relations data sets simple. It accomplishes this by automating a variety of tasks necessary to integrate several data building blocks commonly used in tests of international relations theories.  相似文献   

18.
特朗普执政以来,美国对华战略定位出现全方位负面趋向,由“接触”向“规锁”的转型不断加深。作为当今国际体系中的新兴大国与霸权国家,两国关系正在形成战略竞争日益突出的新态势。中美经贸摩擦的出现和深化表明,经贸合作作为两国关系的传统“压舱石”,在单独应对战略竞争“新态势”方面所能发挥的作用有限。为有效阻止“新态势”向全面对抗与冲突方向演变,中美亟须重新定位、处理和管控彼此关系的“新范式”。包括全球安全治理在内的全球治理架构为中美战略博弈与权势平衡提供了相对稳定的制度体系。通过明确战略竞争边界、构建对话协调平台,有效借助第三方力量等,中美的理性博弈、积极合作能够得到有效推动,并直接带来全球安全治理在观念、制度、模式等方面的变革。这不仅符合两国根本利益和国际社会的普遍愿望,也是全球治理健全发展的需要。但确立“新范式”有待解决的一大问题是,经贸合作作为两国关系“压舱石”的作用已经不稳,需要探索新的“压舱石”,全球安全治理合作在此方面的作用是不够的。未来中美关系的首要特点是战略竞争,新的“压舱石”可以通过权力博弈建立某种相对稳定的机制架构,最终以大国权势平衡的方式来打造。  相似文献   

19.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):135-165
The study describes the structure of international conflict with the tools of network analysis to enhance the understanding of multilateral conflict-communication relations and to predict the conflict structure with existing international relations theories (liberal and realist) plus global communication variables. Using data obtained from the Correlates of War Project (http://cow2.la.psu.edu/), the structure of international conflict is described for the period 1993–2001 for 145 nations. The results indicate that this network is very sparse; 42 nations had no conflict, and 36 only one bilateral disagreement. The network is centered about former Yugoslavia (Serbia and Montenegro), Russia, the United States, Iraq, and China. Most conflicts are regional. The paper also evaluates both the liberal, expanded liberal (with communication variables included), and realist (including Huntington's Clash of Civilizations Theory) perspectives as predictors of conflict. The results indicate that communication variables substantially enhance explanatory power of a predictive model, but the effects of the communication variables are inconsistent. A multiple regression model including history of colonialism and prior conflict, physical proximity and contiguity, whether or not a nation is a democracy, and the communication variables—international telecommunication, freight, and exports—accounted for 30.0% of the variance in the structure of international conflict and each variable was significantly related to conflict. The need for further research is discussed.  相似文献   

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