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Bettina Renz 《欧亚研究》2006,58(6):903-924
This article challenges the perception of the rising numbers of siloviki in Russian politics as a conscious strategy and expression of a more authoritarian policy direction pursued by President Putin. Contextualising the phenomenon within the framework of the system of elite recruitment in contemporary Russia, and engaging in a micro-level study of individual siloviki, the article argues that the role of these figures is more modest than often asserted and the possibility of a coordinated ‘siloviki project’ is unlikely.  相似文献   
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Whether associations help to democratize authoritarian rule or support those in power is a contested issue that so far lacks a cross-regional, comparative perspective. In this article we focus on five types of associations in three post-socialist countries, situated in different world regions, that are governed by authoritarian regimes. We first explore how infrastructural and discursive state power impact such associations and vice versa. We then discuss whether these associations support the development of citizens’ collective and individual self-determination and autonomy and/or whether they negate such self-determination and autonomy – a state of affairs that is at the core of authoritarianism.

Our analysis addresses decision-making in associations and three specific policy areas. We find that most of the covered associations accept or do not openly reject state/ruling party interference in their internal decision-making processes. Moreover, in most of these associations the self-determination and autonomy of members are restricted, if not negated. With respect to HIV/AIDS policy, associations in Algeria and Vietnam toe the official line, and thus contribute, unlike their counterparts in Mozambique, to negating the self-determination and autonomy of affected people and other social minorities. Looking at enterprise promotion policy, we find that the co-optation of business and professionals’ associations in all three countries effectively limits democratizing impulses. Finally, in all three countries many, but not all, of the interviewed associations support state-propagated norms concerning gender and gender relationships, thus contributing to limiting the self-determination and autonomy of women in the private sphere.  相似文献   

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In 2010, like many African countries since the 1990s, Kenya passed a new constitution. This constitution aimed to get rid of many past issues including the definition of citizenship. Globally, two general principles govern the acquisition of citizenship, descent from a citizen (jus sanguinis), and the fact of birth within a state territory (jus soli). In contrast to the prior Constitution that required both descent from Kenyan parents and birth in Kenya, the 2010 Constitution adopted a rule of citizenship by descent alone (jus sanguinis) from either parent. However, today Kenya is faced with a conundrum first articulated by Aristotle: how do you understand and operationalize citizenship by descent in a new state, or in the case of Kenya, one that has only just turned fifty? The crux of this conundrum is determining the basis of the citizenship of parents who precede the polity and therefore what they can transfer to their children. Understanding that articulations of citizenship are also systems of exclusion, this paper asks who can and cannot be a Kenyan citizen and why? What are the unintended consequences of efforts to escape Aristotle's conundrum?  相似文献   
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Abstract: Conducted electrical weapons (CEWs) such as the TASER® M‐ and X‐series deliver short high‐voltage, low‐current energy pulses to temporarily paralyze a person by causing electrical interruption of the body’s normal energy pulses. Despite many scientific publications, which classify the health risks of an appropriate use of the TASER device as minor, there still is a continuous uncertainty about possible side effects with human application. Based on a literature search of the National Library of Medicine’s MEDLINE database’s PubMed system of current publications, the following article describes the mechanisms by which the device operates and discusses possible pathophysiological consequences. The majority of current human literature has not found evidence of clinical relevant pathophysiological effects during and after an exposure of professionally applied CEWs. However, to be able to exclude possible health risks, a medical checkup of people who have been exposed to CEWs is essential.  相似文献   
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Practical applications of genotypic surveys for forensic STR testing   总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8  
Legitimate genotype frequency estimation for multiallelic loci relies on component allele frequencies, as population surveys represent only a fraction of possible DNA profiles. Multilocus genotypes from two ethnic human populations, African American (n=195) and U.S. Caucasian (n=200), were compiled at 13 STR loci that are used worldwide in forensic investigation (D3S1358, vWA, FGA, D16S539, TH01, TPOX, CSF1PO, D8S1179, D21S11, D18S51, D5S818, D13S317, and D7S820). Sex-specific AmpFlSTR multiplexes provided stringent PCR-based STR typing specifically optimized for multicolor fluorescence detection. Heterozygosity at each STR locus ranged from 0.57 to 0.89 and encompassed from seven (TH01) to twenty-one (D21S11) alleles. Homozygosity tests, tests based on the distinct numbers of observed homozygous and heterozygous classes, log likelihood ratio tests, and exact tests assessed that the degree of divergence from theoretical Hardy-Weinberg proportions for all 13 STRs does not have practical consequence in genotype frequency estimation. Departures from linkage equilibrium, between loci, that imposed significance to forensic calculations were not indicated by observed variance of the number of heterozygous loci or Karlin interclass correlation tests. For forensic casework, reliable multilocus profile estimates may be obtained from the product of component genotype frequencies, each calculated through application of the Hardy-Weinberg equation to population database allele frequency estimates reported here. The average probability that two randomly selected, unrelated individuals possess an identical thirteen-locus DNA profile was one in 1.8x10(15) African Americans and one in 3.8x10(14) U.S. Caucasians.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT

The article examines the extent to, and the conditions under which theoretical approaches from Social Movement Studies, mainly developed based on empirical experiences from the Global North, are appropriate for analysing contentious politics in the South, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa. In order to answer this question, the article discusses whether social movements in Africa differ fundamentally from those in other world regions. Four main approaches from social movement theory are examined: resource mobilisation, political opportunity structures, framing, and collective identity, to find out how suitable they are for explaining empirical phenomena in Africa. It is argued that social movements in Africa are not principally different from those in other world regions. Approaches from social movement theory prove helpful in explaining phenomena in the South, although they suffer from the same weaknesses and limitations to their scope as they do regarding movements in the North.  相似文献   
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Analysis of a contaminated brake fluid revealed the contaminant to be power steering fluid. The sample received at the laboratory presented two immiscible phases, which were both organic. Both fluids were analyzed by GC-MS and compared with a library of known automotive fluids. The bottom layer (brake fluid) consisted of glycols while the top layer (power steering fluid) consisted of aliphatics ranging from C16 to C25+. An interesting phenomenon of diffusion of some of the glycols from the brake fluid phase into the power steering fluid phase was observed and needs to be taken into consideration in the interpretation of the results.  相似文献   
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