The Associations Among Perceived Pubertal Timing, Parental Relations and Self-Perception in Turkish Adolescents

This study is primarily aimed at investigating how pubertal timing is perceived in urban Turkish adolescents in terms of their feelings about maturation, their relationships with their parents, and their self-perception. A total of 697 high-school students (360 girls, 337 boys) between the ages of 14 and 18 (M=16.15, SD=1.08) were included in this study. The findings indicated that most of the adolescents perceived themselves as on-time developers in comparison with their peers. Consistent with widely available research data in the literature regarding the impact of early versus late maturation, girls who mature early and boys who mature late reported more negative feelings about pubertal maturation. In addition, those who matured early reported greater conflict and disagreement with their parents and more negative communication with their fathers than the adolescents who matured on- time. Adolescents who were less satisfied with their physical appearance were more likely to have negative feelings about pubertal maturation. Sex was found to act as a moderator of relationships between global self-worth and feelings about pubertal maturation. In conclusion, this study, conducted with Turkish urban adolescents, suggests that the impact of early versus late maturation differs between girls and boys, which is consistent with widely available data in the literature.     

Do refugees impact voting behavior in the host country? Evidence from Syrian refugee inflows to Turkey

Public Choice - We study how individual political preferences changed in response to the influx of over 3.5 million Syrian refugees to Turkey during 2012–2016. Using a...     

SYRIZA's Electoral Victory in Greek Thrace: Impact of Muslim Minority Vote in the Changing Political System

This article, based on the link between institutional changes and voter behavior, focusing mainly on the 2015 parliamentary elections in Greece and the SYRIZA party's success in Greek Thrace, aims to understand why the Muslim minority voted significantly for SYRIZA and how they managed to send four Muslim representatives to the Greek Parliament, three of them from the same party. The article argues that, although there is massive support for radical-left SYRIZA due to its electoral promises to improve social services in addition to the party's rational candidate nomination, this support reflects a mixture of sociological and issue-voting behavior of the Muslim minority related to their motivation for political representation rather than an ideological shift. The changing political system in Greece since 2012, from a two-party to a multiparty system with decreasing voter turnout, increased the impact of the Muslim vote on electoral results in the September and January 2015 elections; however, it also increased social tension between the majority and the minority.     

The Oslo Talks: Revealing the Turkish Government's Secret Negotiations with the PKK

This article explores the extent to which the secret talks influenced the path of official negotiations toward ending Turkey's Kurdish conflict, which the scholarly literature has yet to assess. Utilizing interviews with key political actors, this article aims to close this gap by assessing the Oslo talks (2006–2011) as the most comprehensive secret contact between the Turkish government and Kurdistan Workers' Party. It demonstrates that the secret track is not merely a “pre-negotiation” stage aimed at de-escalating the violent conflict ahead of official talks, but also a crucial part of the negotiation stage aimed at establishing a final political agreement.     

Constitutional Debates and Nationalist Visions

This article looks at the role of competing nationalist visions in shaping the course and content of constitution-making processes. Using Turkey as its case study and focusing on a recent attempt at constitution writing (2011–2013), the examination demonstrates that engagements with and the framing of competing narratives of nationhood during constitutional negotiations go to the heart of societal reconstruction. Hence, such engagements should not be treated as an afterthought to institution building. The Turkish case also demonstrates how in deeply divided societies constitutional debates can acquire an ontological significance for the parties that in turn can work to deepen the existing ideological cleavages.     

Homemade Heavy Caliber Rifles—Two Unusual Firearms

Historically, in crimes involving heavy caliber rifles, only conventional factory‐made versions have been used. However, in recent years the number of homemade long‐barreled rifles is increasing. The characteristics of two such firearms that have been submitted to the Turkish Criminal Laboratory are discussed here. When the main parts of the guns were examined in detail, it was noted that nearly all of the parts had been made carelessly, with several structural defects visible. It was determined that the homemade heavy caliber rifles were unfit for efficient use and it was possible that they could have seriously harmed the shooter had they been fired. The development of these kinds of gun and the possibility of their use spreading throughout the country in terrorist attacks could cause a serious threat to national security.     

The interplay between formal and informal institutions in Turkey: the case of the Fethullah Gülen community

Supporters of the Fethullah Gülen community, an informal institution with an influential role in Turkish political life, have formed an international chain of schools and student dormitories, and a communications web that includes newspapers, journals, television and radio channels, as well as other companies and finance institutions. Although the community has no formal structure, its followers have established these formal institutions to integrate it into formal systems like education and the economy. This paper focuses on the community's educational organizations to argue that, since the community has preferred to pursue its goals within Turkey's existing formal framework, rather than by challenging it or breaking its rules, it can be defined as an accommodating informal institution rather than complementary, competing or substitutive.     

Macedonia after the 2001 conflict: towards social cohesion and reconciliation?

The paper aims to contribute to the on-going debate in the literature about reconciliation after an armed conflict through presentation of the Macedonian experience. It focuses upon the following questions: Is the Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA), which put an end to the armed conflict in the country, supported by the process of reconciliation? Has the state found the right way to deal with the past? In order to answer the questions, the paper describes briefly the Agreement and the process of its implementation. In this context, it identifies the type of power-sharing system established by the OFA through analysis of the Agreement within the integrative and consociational theory. Then, the paper examines how the state dealt with the past. Further, it discusses the impact of the amnesty for grave crimes on reconciliation in the country using the existing literature. The paper argues that it is questionable whether the state chose the best approach to dealing with the past.     

Limits to temporary protection: non-camp Syrian refugees in İzmir,Turkey

This article investigates the situation of non-camp Syrian refugees living in ?zmir with a focus on socio-economic prospects and challenges concerning their survival and integration on the one hand and social acceptance by the host Turkish society on the other. The data were generated by semi-structured interviews conducted between February and April 2014 with non-camp Syrian refugees and Turkish citizens living in ?zmir. The empirical research intends to contribute to the literature through insights on the socio-economic conditions of non-camp Syrians, their level of integration to Turkish society, difficulties and challenges encountered and the perception of Turkish citizens about the rising Syrian population in Turkey. It argues that Turkey’s open-border and ‘temporary protection’ policies are approaching their limits with the increasing number of new arrivals and the concomitant difficulties faced in integrating into Turkish society. The paper suggests that there is an urgent need to create a ‘rights-based approach’ with a long-term integration policy and presents policy recommendations which aim to extend and secure the rights of Syrians through socio-economic adjustments without jeopardizing their social acceptance from and peaceful co-existence with Turkish citizens.