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31.
Debates about child custody following parental separation often have been framed in terms of a battle between the competing rights of different family members. In the United States, advocates of mothers’ rights square off against proponents of fathers’ rights, with each side claiming to truly represent children's rights. Of course, not all advocates lay claim to children's rights in contact and custody disputes merely as a tactical maneuver. Some experts believe that children are entitled to (and benefit from) their own, independent legal advocate in custody cases. In theory, at least, the position that children lay claim to a third set of independent rights is strongly held in Europe, more strongly than in many U.S. states, because of the adoption of United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in Europe, but not in the United States. In this article, we examine children's rights in custody disputes from a European perspective, particularly children's legal right to contact with their parents, as well as the children's right to be heard in custody and contact disputes. We find that, despite differences in legal theory, tradition, and family demographics, European countries ultimately face a familiar reality: Custody and contact disputes are, in reality, more about renegotiating family relationships than they are a matter of a mother's, father's, or child's rights.  相似文献   
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网络竞选是台湾政治选举的重要组成部分。2008年以后,网络竞选的模式与策略呈现出组织传播的特点。网络竞选不仅是一种宣传方式,还是一种组织方式。一方面是在组织中传播,借助社交网站进行病毒式营销,另一方面是在传播中组织,在互动和分享的过程中建立起动态化组织。  相似文献   
33.
城镇居民基本医疗保险制度是2007年由国务院推出的一项具有重要意义的惠民政策。通过七个试点城市政策的比较分析,对还未定型的城镇居民基本医疗保险制度的完善提出可借鉴性的建议。  相似文献   
34.
Most scholarship on post-Communist Croatia claims that the first Croatian president, Franjo Tu?man, intentionally rehabilitated the legacy of the World War II (WWII) Croatian Usta?a and its Nazi-puppet state. The rehabilitation of the Usta?a has been linked to Tu?man’s national reconciliation politics that tended toward a particular “forgetting of the past.” The national reconciliation was conceptualized as a joint struggle of both the Croatian anti-fascist Partisan and the Croatian WWII fascist Usta?a successors to achieve Croatian independence. However, the existing scholarship does not offer a comprehensive explanation of the nexus between national reconciliation and the rehabilitation of the Usta?a. Hence, this article will present how “Usta?a-nostalgia” does not stem from Tu?man’s intentions, but rather from the morphological gap occurring in Tu?man’s nation-building idea. Namely, Tu?man’s condemnation of the entire idea of Yugoslavism and Yugoslavia eventually brought about the perception that any historical agent advocating the idea of an independent Croatia is better than any form of Croatian Yugoslavism. Finally, the article will present how contemporary Croatian society is still seeped in “Usta?a-nostalgia” due to the hesitation of the post-Tu?man Croatian politics to come to terms with the legacy of his national reconciliation politics.  相似文献   
35.
The authors proceed from the assumption that the institutional and economic efficiency of a particular country (or society) depends on its historic legacy or ‘path-dependence’, strategic interactions of the elite and the impact of the international environment. Estonia and Slovenia are both – not only economically, but also institutionally – perceived as relatively successful and prominent post-communist countries and new members of the EU. Yet they have developed completely different – in some aspects even diametrically opposite – regulative settings and socio-political arrangements. The main emphasis is on the connection between the dynamics and ideological preferences of political actors and the pace of reforms as well as institutional regulations. One can argue that the political elite in Estonia encouraged the shaping of the state in a direction close to the liberal-market model, whereas Slovenia is closer to the corporatist social welfare-state model. In both cases, some dysfunctional effects are evident that represent a new challenge to the elites and, at the same time, a test of their credibility and competence.  相似文献   
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This study explains the intellectual history and ideology of the Turkic insurgency and the East Turkestan Republic in Kashgar in 1933–34. Texts in periodicals from the period suggest that the insurgency was defined by its intellectual elites more as a nationalist enterprise than as a religious one. The insurgency's ideologists established important national attributes of the East Turkestani nation, particularly its national name, homeland, symbology, and history, and they also articulated East Turkestani national interests, particularly political independence, representative government, and modernization. Regardless of the arguably low degree of social penetration of the ideas of the elites among common society and the small extent to which policy was actually implemented, the intertwining of East Turkestani national identity and interests with political self-government and modernization was an ideological concept that had a profound impact on all subsequent administrations in Xinjiang.  相似文献   
39.
德国刑事法律制度的新变化   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2       下载免费PDF全文
周密 《中外法学》1996,(3):79-80
<正> 北京大学刑法代表团应德国学术交流中心之邀,并在其资助下于1995年10月14—29日访问了德国11个城市,考察了DAAD(德国学术交流中心)总部、洪堡基金会总部、联邦外交部、司法部、联邦最高法院、马普研究所、弗莱堡大学、图宾根大学、奥格斯堡大学、巴伐利亚洲司法部、幕尼黑检察院、柏林自由大学、柏林司法部行政管理局、监察局、柏林少年监狱、洪堡大学、联邦法院柏林分院、联邦总检察长、联邦法院大律师、法思堡监狱和柏林少年监二十一个单位。其间与联邦最高法院院长瓦尔德·欧德斯克、总检察长迪特·璃曼以及联邦司法部副部长、有关大学的教授和政府各级官员、狱卒等进行了座谈。还旁听了最高法院的审判。通过上述活动使我们对德国的刑事法律制度的新变化有了更深刻的认识。  相似文献   
40.
成都行政学院是成都地区培训国家公务员的重要基地和新型学府.行政学院要完成党和国家赋予的历史使命,充分发挥自身的功能,就必须突出教学、科研、咨询三位一体的办学特色,按照理论联系实际、按需施教、学用一致、讲求实效的原则,紧扣政府中心工作开展培训,围绕政府工作重点、难点、热点问题开展科研和咨询,把行政学院的主要工作与为政府工作提供咨询服务结合起来,努力为成都跨越式发展培养高素质的干部队伍和提供理论支撑.  相似文献   
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