Politics-as-usual on trial: regional anti-corruption campaigns in Indonesia

Abstract

This article explores to what extent to local pro-reform actors matter in Indonesia through the prism of anti-corruption campaigns in the country's regions. I argue that the rash of anti-corruption campaigns and related trials involving legislative members, especially from mid-2004 onward, can be attributed neither to the resources lavished on anti-corruption organizations based in Jakarta, nor to the popularity of President Yudhoyono's anti-corruption rhetoric. Instead, it can be traced to a particular anti-corruption campaign that began in earnest in 2002 in Padang, West Sumatra. Using a multi-dimensional approach, a small group of activists relentlessly pursued their newly elected provincial legislators to be accountable to their democratic mandates and as important, to respect the rule of law pursuant to new national anti-corruption legislation. The guilty verdicts of May 2004 galvanized similar groups across the country to investigate their respective legislative bodies. This exemplary case of societal accountability also demonstrated the leverage activists can gain over local politicians when they forge coalitions with other elite actors, especially those in Jakarta. I further explore two anti-corruption cases in the province of West Kalimantan to place post-Padang developments in their proper perspective. If hopes were raised that regional anti-corruption movements–based on the Padang model–might accomplish more than sensational trials but help consolidate democracy at the regional level by holding elected officials accountable, these two examples show how fleeting these expectations might be. The trials that took place but which produced no convictions resulted from the fallout of local political tussles, and not from local civil society organizations galvanized by the ideals of transparency and good governance.     

Playing Base Politics in a Global Strategic Theater: Futenma Relocation,the G-8 Summit,and Okinawa

In late 1995, a culmination of events on Japan's southernmost island of Okinawa, home to over 70 percent of U.S. military facilities in Japan, both threatened the future of the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty and posed a direct challenge to the contradictory legacies of Japan's postwar system of constitutional democracy. Almost five years later, in July 2000, in anticipation of the gathering of heads of state at the Okinawa 2000 G-8 Summit, Bill Clinton became the first U.S. president to visit the island in over forty years. Speaking at the Cornerstone of Peace, a monument built in memory of the only ground war fought on Japanese soil between Japanese and U.S. forces in World War II, Clinton reaffirmed the importance of the U.S.-Japan alliance – and Okinawa's role within it – to peace and security in the Asia-Pacific region. Yet in Okinawa the nature and constitution of peace itself has never been a political given. This article traces the politics surrounding the U.S. military presence over this period, delving into the deeper historical, political, and social issues at stake for both this small island prefecture and for parts of the world beyond.     

Case note: a first experience with sea reporting

The City of Boca Raton, Florida has begun experimentation with Service Efforts and Accomplishments reporting. Sanitation was the focus because the department had been selected to participate in the City's detailed operations review for the annual reporting period. This paper describes the City's project, discusses the impact, and identifies lessons learned through the City's first attempt at SEA reporting. Although challenging, the City considers this initial effort a success and plans to continue experimentation.     

Claims to legitimacy count: Why sanctions fail to instigate democratisation in authoritarian regimes

International sanctions are one of the most commonly used tools to instigate democratisation in the post‐Cold War era. However, despite long‐term sanction pressure by the European Union, the United States and/or the United Nations, non‐democratic rule has proven to be extremely persistent. Which domestic and international factors account for the regimes' ability to resist external pressure? Based on a new global dataset on sanctions from 1990 to 2011, the results of a fuzzy set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) provide new insights for the research on sanctions and on authoritarian regimes. Most significantly, sanctions strengthen authoritarian rule if the regime manages to incorporate their existence into its legitimation strategy. Such an unintended ‘rally‐round‐the‐flag’ effect occurs where sanctions are imposed on regimes that possess strong claims to legitimacy and have only limited economic and societal linkages to the sender of sanctions.     

The state of public affairs in Austria

Following almost five decades of federal coalition government between Social Democrats and People's Party alongside an interest mediation system that gave exclusivity to only a few institutions, from 2000 to 2006, Austria underwent a rapid transformation in the direction of a pluralistic free-market interest mediation system. However, this short but intense interlude, which led to the development and establishment of professional public affairs in Austria, was stopped short by the return of the traditional Austrian interest mediation system. Following a series of so-called lobbying scandals, in 2013, Austria introduced a mandatory lobbying and interest representation register at the federal level. Two years earlier, the industry formed its own trade association, the Austrian Public Affairs Association. A study commissioned by this association has for the first time shed light on the young public affairs industry, its actors, and the working environment. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Unusual results due to transfused blood.

During a murder enquiry, the forensic science investigation used PGM and EAP blood grouping systems and detected a mixture of blood on the deceased's jacket. The blood groups matched those of the deceased and accused. The results of DNA analysis, however, proved that only a single source of DNA, matching the deceased, was present. Supplementary information relating to the transfusion of the individual whilst still wearing his clothing led the authors to conclude that a mixture of transfused blood and the individual's own blood had effused from his body via a stab wound, and onto his clothing.     

Cohabitants, Property and the Law: A Study of Injustice

With cohabitation outside marriage becoming increasingly common, the law's response to the problems that arise on separation has become a key issue for public and family policy. This article draws upon the findings of a qualitative empirical study of how property disputes are handled when cohabitants separate. It argues that the unfairness of the current law is best understood as stemming from a failure to recognise the situation that arises as one of unjust enrichment. It shows that the complexity and unpredictability of the law make it difficult to bargain effectively in the shadow of the law. It suggests that the need for reform goes beyond the introduction of a discretionary regime, such as that proposed by the Law Commission, to reform of conveyancing and property law and practice to facilitate initial, as well as post-separation private ordering.     

Public expectations of health professionals when patients telephone for medical advice

This article focuses on the ethical, social and liability implications of patients obtaining unsolicited medical advice over the phone. The ethical discussion centres on the demise of paternalism and the increase in patient autonomy and individualism and the growing public expectations of health professionals. The article then discusses the advantages and disadvantages of telephone consultations from a social and policy perspective. In light of these considerations it considers what the liability implications are for phone consultations. It argues that the ethic of individualism, coupled with recent Australian tort reforms, suggests that only in limited circumstances would a doctor be found liable for negligence in relation to telephone consultations. However, the increasing expectations being placed on medical personnel, as evidenced by the increase in unsolicited telephone consultations, if left untempered, may lead to a situation with which the health care system is ill equipped to deal.