Japan's political trust deficit

Abstract

This introductory article to the special issue on ‘Trust and Mistrust in Contemporary Japan’ lays out key trust concepts used in social science research. It then turns towards the Japanese case, summarizing important research on the notion of trust and Japanese politics and society, according to which trust levels are comparatively low. The subsequent part provides an overview on the case studies that scrutinize issues related to political trust in particular. As the contributions invariably point to low levels of political trust, we finally reflect on problems in Japan's politics in relation to the notion of trust.     

The way back in: Reintegrating illegal armed groups in Colombia then and now

Back in the early 1990s, Colombia reintegrated five left-wing guerrilla groups. Whether as groups or individuals, these guerrillas found space for legitimate political participation at the local and national levels. Society accepted them and they embraced democracy and contributed to the strengthening of liberal political ideas and human rights norms in the country. Fifteen years later Colombia is once again attempting to reintegrate ex-combatants, 33,000 from the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, the so-called ‘paramilitary’—a right-wing force that sought to fight guerrillas—and about 11,000 ‘individually demobilised’ combatants of FARC, ELN and AUC who have since 2002 deserted their group. This time, however, the task of transforming illegal armed groups into legitimate political entities is proving to be harder. In particular, the reintegration of the paramilitary has elicited wide criticism from Colombians and the international community. Why are things different today? By examining and comparing the processes of political reintegration of the M-19 and the paramilitary this article will argue that there are at least four critical factors that either allow or bar former combatants from becoming legitimate players with a capacity for political interlocution: the international and domestic political and normative contexts; the nature and behaviour of the illegal armed group (how much power they command, to what extent groups use war for personal profit and whether they commit egregious crimes); the terms of the peace negotiation; and the practical dimensions of exercising political interlocution.     

Multinational Enterprises as "Moral Entrepreneurs" in a Global Prohibition Regime Against Corruption

This article explores the incentives and means multinational enterprises (MNEs) may have to create a corruption-free business environment. It draws on Ethan Nadelmann's (1990) article in International Organization , "Global Prohibition Regimes: The Evolution of Norms in International Society" and discerns the emergence of such a regime centered on bribe paying and bribe soliciting.     

Same but Different: Muslims and Foreigners in Public Media Discourse

This contribution analyzes the public discourse on foreigners and Muslims in Switzerland between 2000 and 2009. In Switzerland, as elsewhere in Europe, the Muslim minority has emerged as the main concern for integration in public discourse. What makes Muslims special in the debate on immigration and integration? How does the public discourse on Muslims differ from the portrayal of foreigners in general? A quantitative content analysis of four Swiss newspapers was conducted covering three direct democratic campaigns. While the demographic composition of the Muslim minority has not changed substantially, the way Muslims are perceived in public discourse did. Certain ethnic groups, which are still categorized as foreigners in 2000, are mainly assigned to the Muslim minority in 2009. The latter is seen as a relatively homogeneous group raising other issues than foreigners. These results should lead to question the current academic and political debate on integration in Switzerland.     

Lessons from the malfunctioning of the Eurozone's financial system

The persisting Eurozone's crisis is a combination of a sovereign debt crisis and a banking crisis that have been triggered by the Global Financial Crisis. The sovereign debt crisis is the consequence of a policy laxity for applying the principles and fiscal rules of the monetary union, which led to macroeconomic imbalances and enforced the mispricing of risks by the markets that in turn contributed to escalate the banking crisis. To address the consequences of the Eurozone's crisis, the European Union has implemented a new crisis management framework, which, however, is not immune to trials. The present paper follows a tripartite structure and begins by examining the causes of the Eurozone's crisis and draws its lessons. Second, it examines the reforms of the new crisis management framework and highlights their key challenges. Third, in light of these lessons and challenges, a return to three ‘fundamentals’ is advocated and the case of enhancing the position of the European Union within the area of international financial regulation is built to highlight how this is an optimal policy area for addressing the endemic weaknesses of the Eurozone and how this can contribute to securing a sustainable growth. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

The Restoration and Renewal of the Palace of Westminster: Avoiding the Trap and Realising the Promise

By failing to acknowledge the link between the design of our political institutions and growing levels of anti‐political sentiment, the restoration and renewal programme risks falling into a trap of its own making. Involving the public from the outset in an open review of the (re)design options for Westminster—in a positive and confident conversation—ensures the best opportunity for meaningful engagement between the public and the future of their democracy.     

Judging from a Guilty Conscience: The Chilean Judiciary's Human Rights Turn

Since the detention of General Pinochet in London in 1998 on charges of crimes against humanity, Chile's judges have sentenced more former officials of the military regime for human rights violations than judges of any other country in Latin America. This article argues that the prosecutorial turn reflects the judiciary's attempt to atone for its complicity with the dictatorship. The London arrest created pressure for prosecution of Pinochet-era human rights violations; but it is the contest over the judiciary's legacy, as an important piece of postauthoritarian memory struggles, that explains why Chile's notoriously illiberal judiciary ceded to that pressure. By reconceptualizing judicial culture as contested, heterogeneous, and dynamic, this article opens the door to richer understandings of judicial politics, transitional justice, and the reception of international human rights.