Metropolitan areas in Mexico, 1980

Urban trends in Mexico from 1960 to 1980 are analyzed using multivariate analysis techniques. The authors note that the total number of metropolitan regions has increased from 12 to 26 during this period. Differences between the stage in urbanization reached by the Mexico City region and other urban centers in the country are noted. In Mexico City, the authors observe a decline in the population of the central city region coupled with rapid growth in the surrounding municipalities. (SUMMARY IN ENG)     

Order authorizing termination of certain life support systems

An elderly, severely brain-damaged patient was being ventilated and given nutrition and antibiotics intravenously in a medical center's critical care unit. Her legal guardian requested authorization to order that the respirator be withdrawn and the administration of nutrition and antibiotics be stopped. A Missouri circuit court ruled that, while public policy, as evidenced in the state's living will statute, permitted withdrawing the respirator, it apparently precluded withholding or withdrawing nutrition, hydration, or antibiotics.     

Women with high fertility in Mexico: orientations for a population policy

The characteristics and correlates of high fertility women in Mexico were assessed for different age and residential groups with data from the National Demographic Survey of 1982. This survey included information on rural, urban and metropolitan Mexican women aged 15-49 years who had ever been in union. Rural areas were defined as those with fewer than 20,000 inhabitants. Metropolitan areas were Guadalajara, Monterrey, and Mexico City. High fertility was defined for the purpose of this study as at least 2 live births for women 15-19, 3 for women 20-24, 4 for those 25-29, 5 for those 30-34, 6 for those 35-39, and 7 for those 40-49. According to this definition about 40% of Mexican women are high fertility, with proportions ranging from about 1/3 of those 20-29 to half of those 35-49 years old. High fertility is about twice as common in women 15-19 in rural areas as in urban and metropolitan areas of Mexico. 10% of rural women aged 20-24 already have 5 children, compared to less than 1% of metropolitan women and under 3% of women in other urban areas. By age 45-49, 31% of rural women, 20% of other urban women, and 15% of metropolitan women have 10 or more children. 13% in all areas have 2 or 3. Large proportions of rural women in all age groups are high fertility, with the difference especially marked at young ages. The data on contraceptive usage indicate that high fertility women are among the increasing numbers of Mexican women attempting to control their family size. 10% of high fertility women in rural areas are sterilized and another 10% use oral contraceptives. Injectables and traditional methods share 3rd place. IUDs are almost nonexistent in rural areas. In urban and metropolitan zones about 1/4 of high fertility women have been sterilized. About 10% use pills. Traditional methods and IUDs are in 3rd place for urban women while injectables occupy 3rd place for metropolitan women. Except among women 30-34, about 70% of sterilizations in rural areas are in high fertility women. The data demonstrate the growing acceptance of family planning in rural as well as in urban areas. In 1969, only 10% of rural women in union had ever used a contraceptive method. The 43.1% of Mexican women with little or no schooling contribute 63% of the high fertility. High fertility women are overrepresented in the lowest educational stratum in all age groups. Methodological difficulties arise in comparing the fertility performance of different social groups. It appears however that agricultural workers and unsalaried self-employed workers contribute a disproportionate share of high fertility.     

Partnership Through Pragmatism

The Sino-European relationship has been relatively harmonious for approximately 30 years since the end of the Cold War.Differing political ideologies and some disagreements have not reduced either side’s appetite for cooperation.Last year was difficult and intense in comparison to previous ones,due to the European Parliament’s non-ratification of a comprehensive EU-China investment agreement,frictions regarding contradictory interpretations of human rights.     

一年以后的“波兰共产主义者联盟”

波兰共产主义者联盟“无产者”成立已经整整一周年了。新党的创建者们遵循的是什么呢?这个党的名称一年前还给人以不敢恭维的联想。动机之一是要为“共产主义”一词恢复恰当的真正含义。我们知道,诸如“共产主义”、“共产党人”这些概念,不但被所谓的“思想官员们”而且被右派宣传弄得面目全非。前者多年来狂热地玩弄马克思主义的词藻,实际上建立了自己的意识形态,试图证明国家官僚社会主义(由党的机关加上经过精心挑选的社会积极分子组成的干部专制)作为党和社会的主导力量是     

Computer-assisted systems for forensic pathology and forensic toxicology

A computer software, R?ttsBASE (RB), was developed for all forensic pathology units in Sweden and introduced in 1992. Simultaneously, a corresponding software, ToxBASE (TB), was developed for the Department of Forensic Toxicology, where all forensic toxicology in Sweden is managed. Both of the databases were created using dBASE IV, and the programming was carried out according to specifications from the staff at the forensic toxicology and forensic pathology units. since the development or RB and TB was coordinated, the systems can run together smoothly. The purpose of both systems was to automate the offices and to enable compilation of detailed statistics. Installation of Novell Netware and ISDN-connections (Integrated Service Digital Network) has enabled rapid communication between the units and easy compilation of nationwide statistics of forensic pathology and forensic toxicology. the systems offer a wide spectrum of reports and include a simple module for evaluation of the importance of the forensic efforts for th whole death investigation. The configuration of the softwares has also enabled processing of a large amount of related toxicological and autopsy data that in turn has yielded a base for compilation of toxicology interpretation lists. This article includes a summary of the features of the software and a discussion of its benefits and limitations.